Early life

Cao Cao was born in Qiao, Principality of Pei (present-day Bozhou, Anhui), in 155. His father Cao Song was a foster son of Cao Teng, who in turn was one of the favourite eunuchs of Emperor Huan. Some historical records, including the Biography of Cao Man, claim that Cao Song's original family name was Xiahou and that he was thus a relative of Xiahou Dun.

Cao was known for his craftiness as an adolescent. According to the Biography of Cao Man, Cao Cao's uncle complained to Cao Song about Cao Cao's indulgence in hunting and music with Yuan Shao. In retaliation, Cao Cao feigned a fit before his uncle, who immediately rushed to inform Cao Song. When Cao Song went to see his son, Cao Cao behaved normally. When asked, Cao Cao replied, "I have never had a fit, but I lost the love of my uncle, and therefore he deceived you." Afterwards, Cao Song ceased to believe his brother regarding Cao Cao, and thus Cao Cao became even more blatant and insistent in his wayward pursuits.

At that time, there was a man named Xu Shao who lived in Runan and was famous for his ability to evaluate a person's potentials and talents. Cao Cao paid him a visit in hopes of receiving an evaluation that would help him politically. At first, Xu Shao refused to make a statement; however, under persistent questioning, he finally said, "You would be a capable minister in peaceful times and an unscrupulous hero in chaotic times." Cao Cao laughed and left. There are two other versions of this comment in other unofficial historical records.

Early career and Yellow Turban Rebellion (175–188)

At the age of 20, Cao Cao was appointed district captain of Luoyang. Upon taking up the post, he placed rows of multicolored stakes outside his office and ordered his deputies to flog those who violated the law, regardless of their status. An uncle of Jian Shuo, one of the most powerful and influential eunuchs under Emperor Ling, was caught walking in the city after the evening curfew by Cao Cao's men and was flogged. This prompted Jian Shuo and other higher authorities to ostensibly promote Cao Cao to the post of governor of Dunqiu County while actually moving him out of the imperial capital. Cao Cao remained in this position for little more than a year, being dismissed from office in 178 for his distant family ties with the disgraced Empress Song. Around 180, Cao Cao returned to court as a Consultant (议郎) and presented two memoranda against the eunuchs' influence in court and government corruption during his tenure, to limited effect.

When the Yellow Turban Rebellion broke out in 184, Cao Cao was recalled to Luoyang and appointed Captain of the Cavalry (骑都尉) and sent to Yingchuan in Yu Province to suppress the rebels. He was successful and was sent to Jinan as Chancellor (相) to prevent the spread of Yellow Turban influence there. In Jinan, Cao Cao aggressively enforced the ban on unorthodox cults, destroyed shrines, and supported state Confucianism. He offended the local leading families in the process, and resigned on grounds of poor health around 187, fearing that he had put his family in danger. He was offered the post of Administrator of Dong Commandery (东郡), but he declined and returned to his home in Pei County. Around that time, Wang Fen (王芬) tried to recruit Cao Cao to join his coup to replace Emperor Ling with the Marquis of Hefei, but Cao Cao refused. The plot came to nothing, and Wang Fen killed himself.

Alliance against Dong Zhuo (189–191)

After 18 months in retirement, Cao Cao returned to the capital Luoyang in 188. That year, he was appointed Colonel Who Arranges the Army (典军校尉), fourth of eight heads of a newly established imperial army, the Army of the Western Garden. The effectiveness of this new force was never tested, since it was disbanded the very next year.

In 189, Emperor Ling died and was succeeded by his eldest son (Emperor Shao), although state power was mainly controlled by Empress Dowager He and her advisors. The empress dowager's brother, General-in-Chief He Jin, plotted with Yuan Shao to eliminate the Ten Attendants (a group of influential eunuchs in the imperial court). He Jin summoned Dong Zhuo, a seasoned general of Liang Province, to lead an army into Luoyang to pressure the empress dowager to surrender power, braving accusations of Dong's "infamy". But before Dong Zhuo arrived, He Jin was assassinated by the eunuchs and Luoyang was thrown into chaos as Yuan Shao's supporters fought the eunuchs. Dong Zhuo's army easily rid the palace grounds of opposition. After he deposed Emperor Shao, Dong Zhuo placed the puppet Emperor Xian on the throne, since he deemed that Emperor Xian was more capable than the original puppet Emperor Shao.

After rejecting Dong Zhuo's offer of appointment, Cao Cao left Luoyang for Chenliu (southeast of present-day Kaifeng, Henan, Cao's hometown), where he built an army. The next year, regional warlords formed a military alliance under Yuan Shao against Dong. Cao Cao joined them, becoming one of the few active fighting members of the coalition. Although the warlords liberated the capital of Luoyang, Dong Zhuo's court managed to flee westwards to the former capital of Chang'an, abducting Emperor Xian. The coalition fell apart after months of inactivity, and China fell into civil war while Dong Zhuo was killed in 192 by Lü Bu.

Carving a territory (191–199)

Conquest of Yan Province (191–195)

Through short-term and regional-scale wars, Cao Cao continued to expand his power. In 191, Cao Cao was appointed Administrator of Dong commandery (Dongjun) in Chenliu. This happened after he successfully fought against the bandit chieftain Bo Rao, and Yuan Shao named him Administrator in the stead of the ineffectual Wang Hong. He cleared Dong of bandits, and when the Inspector of Yan Province Liu Dai died the following year, he was invited by Bao Xun and other officers to become the Governor of Yan Province, and deal with an uprising of Yellow Turbans in Qing Province who raided Yan. Despite several setbacks, Cao Cao managed to subdue the rebels by the end of 192, likely through negotiations, and added their 30,000 troops to his army. In early 193, Cao Cao and Yuan Shao fought against the latter's cousin Yuan Shu in several battles such as Fengqiu, driving him away to the River Huai.

Cao Cao's father Cao Song was killed in autumn 193 by troops of Tao Qian, governor of Xu Province (who claimed to be innocent, and that Cao Song's murderers had been mutineers). Enraged, Cao Cao massacred thousands of civilians in Xu during two punitive expeditions in 193 and 194, to avenge his father. Because he took the bulk of his soldiers to Xu Province in order to defeat Tao Qian, most of his territory was left undefended. A number of discontented officers led by Chen Gong and Zhang Chao plotted to rebel. They convinced Zhang Miao (Zhang Chao's brother) to be their leader, and to ask Lü Bu to come with reinforcements. Chen Gong invited Lü Bu to be the new Inspector of Yan province. Lü Bu accepted this invitation and led his soldiers into the province. Since Cao Cao's army was away, many of the local commanders figured that fighting would be a lost cause and surrendered to Lü Bu as soon as he arrived. However three counties – Juancheng, Dong'a, and Fan, remained loyal to Cao Cao and when Cao Cao returned, he gathered his own forces at Juancheng.

Throughout 194 and 195, Cao Cao and Lü Bu fought several battles of some size for the control of Yan Province. Though Lü Bu initially did well in holding Puyang, Cao Cao won almost every engagement outside of Puyang. Cao Cao's decisive victory came in a battle near Dongming. Lü Bu and Chen Gong led a large army to assault Cao Cao's forces. At that time, Cao Cao was out with a small army, harvesting grain. Seeing Lü Bu and Chen Gong approaching, Cao Cao hid his soldiers in some woods and behind a dam. He then sent a small force ahead to skirmish with Lü Bu's army. Once the two forces were committed, he unleashed his hidden soldiers. Lü Bu's army was devastated by this attack and many of his soldiers fled.

Lü Bu and Chen Gong both fled after that battle. Since Xu province was now under Liu Bei's command and Liu Bei had been Cao Cao's enemy in the past, they fled to Xu for safety. Cao Cao decided not to pursue them and instead set about crushing Lü Bu's loyalists in Yan, consolidating his hold over that province. Eighteen months after the rebellion started, Cao had destroyed Zhang Miao and his family, and regained Yan Province by the end of 195.

Securing the emperor (196)

Cao Cao moved his headquarters in early 196 from Puyang to Xu City (许, present-day Xuchang), where he built military agricultural colonies for the settlement of refugees and supply of food for his troops.

Around August 196, Emperor Xian returned to Luoyang under the escort of Yang Feng and Dong Cheng. Cao Cao joined Emperor Xian in autumn 196 and convinced him to move the capital to Xu City as suggested by Xun Yu and other advisors, as Luoyang was ruined by war and Chang'an was not under Cao's military control. He was appointed Minister of Works (after negotiating with his nominal superior Yuan Shao), and Director of Retainers (司隶 Sīlì), granting him nominal control over Sili Province. Furthermore, he became General-in-Chief (大将军) and Marquis of Wuping (武平侯), though both titles had little practical application. While some viewed the emperor as a puppet under Cao Cao's control, Cao adhered to a strict personal code until his death that he would not usurp the throne. When he was approached by his advisors to overthrow the Han dynasty and start his own dynasty, he replied, "If heaven bestows such a fate upon me, let me be King Wen of Zhou."

To maintain a good relationship with Yuan Shao, who had become the most powerful warlord in China when he united the northern four provinces, Cao Cao lobbied to have Yuan appointed Minister of Works. However, this had the opposite effect, as Yuan Shao believed that Cao Cao was trying to humiliate him, since Minister of Works technically ranked lower than General-in-Chief, and therefore refused to accept the title. To pacify Yuan Shao, Cao Cao offered his own position to him, while becoming Minister of Works himself. While this temporarily resolved the conflict, it was the catalyst for the Battle of Guandu later.

Battling Zhang Xiu, Yuan Shu, and Lü Bu (197–198)

Liu Biao was a major power at that time, holding all of Jing province. Jing had always been prosperous, but it had grown in size because many people fled from the northern wars and sought refuge there. Therefore, Liu Biao constituted a danger to Cao Cao. Zhang Xiu commanded Liu Biao's territory on the border with Cao Cao, so Cao Cao went to attack him. In early 197 Zhang Xiu surrendered to Cao Cao, but later attacked his camp in the night (the Battle of Wancheng), killing many people, including Cao Cao's son Cao Ang, and forcing Cao Cao to flee.

After taking a few months to recover, Cao Cao turned his attention to Yuan Shu, who had recently proclaimed himself emperor of his new Zhong dynasty. In the name of restoring the Han dynasty, Cao Cao and other warlords formed a coalition against Yuan Shu, and Cao Cao seized all Yuan Shu's holdings north of the Huai River in the autumn of 197, while the latter's remaining territory suffered drought and a bad harvest, further decreasing his power.

Later in 197, Cao Cao returned south to attack Liu Biao/Zhang Xiu once more. This time, Cao Cao was very successful and greatly damaged their army. Cao Cao attacked Zhang Xiu again in 198 leading to the Battle of Rangcheng and was again victorious. He ultimately retreated from this campaign because he received word that Yuan Shao was planning to march on Xu, though this report turned out to be in error.

In April 198, Cao Cao sent envoys to incite the western warlords to attack Chang'an, still controlled by Dong Zhuo's successor Li Jue. One of Li Jue's subordinates, Duan Wei (段煨), mutinied and killed Li Jue along with his family in the summer of 198. Duan Wei sent Li Jue's head to Xu City (as a token of his submission to Cao Cao).

Meanwhile, Lü Bu was growing more aggressive. He drove Liu Bei (who fled to Cao Cao) out of his territory again and allied with Yuan Shu. Since Zhang Xiu had recently been crushed, he was in no position to be a threat in the south, so Cao Cao went east to deal with Lü Bu.

Conquest of Xu and Yu Provinces (199)

Cao Cao defeated Lü Bu in numerous battles and eventually surrounded him at Xiapi. Lü Bu tried to break free but could not do so. Ultimately, many of his officers and soldiers defected to Cao Cao. Some were kidnapped by defectors. Lü Bu grew disheartened and surrendered to Cao Cao, who executed him on 7 February 199. By eliminating Lü Bu, Cao had obtained effective control of Xu Province.

With Lü Bu gone, Cao Cao set about dealing with Yuan Shu. He sent Liu Bei and Zhu Ling south to attack Yuan Shu. However, the rebel emperor died in the summer of 199 before Liu Bei and the others arrived. This meant Cao Cao had no major opponents in the Huai River region (Yu Province) anymore either. Meanwhile, in March 199 Yuan Shao had finally finished his war with Gongsun Zan at the Battle of Yijing, and was now planning to move south to defeat Cao Cao. Seeing this, Cao Cao set about preparing his defenses, intending to make his stand at Guandu. On the advice of Jia Xu, Zhang Xiu surrendered to Cao Cao and his forces were integrated into Cao Cao's army after they rejected an envoy from Yuan Shao to ally.

Uniting northern China (200–207)

Liu Beis betrayal and defeat

Near the end of the year 199, Liu Bei betrayed Cao Cao and killed his commanders in Xu Province, claiming to own the province. Cao Cao wanted to attack Liu Bei quickly so as to not get into a two-front war. While some in the court were worried that Yuan Shao would attack them soon if the main army were east, Guo Jia assured Cao Cao that Yuan Shao would be slow to react, and that Cao Cao could handle Liu Bei if he did it quickly. So on Guo Jia's advice, Cao Cao attacked Liu Bei and utterly defeated him in Xu Province, capturing Guan Yu as well as Liu Bei's family members at the start of 200. Liu Bei himself fled to Yuan Shao, who only sent a part of his army to make an attack on Cao Cao. This incursion was stopped by Yu Jin at the Battle of Dushi Ford in February 200, marking the outbreak of open warfare between Cao and Yuan.

War with the Yuan clan

;The Guandu campaign

In 200, Yuan Shao marched southwards on Xu City in the name of rescuing the emperor. He had amassed more than 110,000 troops, including 10,000 heavy cavalry, while Cao Cao gathered around 40,000 men, most of which he concentrated at Guandu, a strategic point on the Yellow River. Cao's army repeatedly repulsed Yuan's attacks and won tactical victories at Dushi Ford (February), Boma (March–May) and Yan Ford (May–August). The two armies came to a standstill at the Battle of Guandu (September–November), as neither side was able to make much progress. Cao Cao's lack of men did not allow him to make significant attacks, and Yuan Shao's pride forced him to meet Cao's force head-on. Despite his overwhelming advantage in terms of manpower, Yuan Shao was unable to make full use of his resources because of his indecisive leadership and Cao Cao's position.

Besides the middle battleground of Guandu, two lines of battle were present. The eastern line with Yuan Tan of Yuan Shao's army against Zang Ba of Cao Cao's army was a one-sided battle in favour of Cao, as Yuan Tan's poor leadership was no match for Zang's local knowledge of the landscape and his hit-and-run tactics. On the western front, Yuan Shao's nephew, Gao Gan, performed better against Cao Cao's army and forced several reinforcements from Cao's main camp to maintain the western battle. Liu Bei, then a guest in Yuan Shao's army, suggested that he instigate rebellion in Cao Cao's territories as many followers of Yuan were in Cao's lands. The tactic was initially successful but Man Chong's diplomatic skills helped to resolve the conflict almost immediately. Man Chong had been placed as an official there for this specific reason, as Cao Cao had foreseen the possibility of insurrection prior to the battle. A Cao raid destroying the Yuan supply depot at the village of Gushi forced Yuan Shao to set up an emergency supply depot at Wuchao. Finally in the 10th month, a defector from Yuan Shao's army, Xu You, informed Cao Cao of the location of Yuan's new supply depot. Cao Cao broke the stalemate by sending a special group of soldiers to Wuchao burn all the supplies of Yuan Shao's army, heavily demoralising it. Yuan performed a final, costly and ultimately failed storming of Guandu, and the next morning Cao launched a devastating surprise attack on the retreating enemy army, thus winning a decisive and seemingly impossible victory. In a report to Emperor Xian, Cao Cao claimed to have killed more than 70,000 of Yuan Shao's original 110,000 troops; he later ordered most captured enemy soldiers to be buried alive. A few months later, in May or June 201, Cao Cao defeated Yuan Shao again in the Battle of Cangting, eliminating the latter's last units south of the Yellow River.

;Conquest of the north

Yuan Shao fell ill shortly after the defeat, and died in June 202, leaving three sons and no formally appointed successor. Although he seems to have favoured his youngest son Yuan Shang (controlling Ji Province) as his heir, his oldest son Yuan Tan (governor of Qing Province) challenged him and the two brothers entered into a war of succession, as they fought Cao Cao. Cao Cao used the internal conflict within the Yuan clan to his advantage, and during the Battle of Liyang (October 202 – June 203), he drove the Yuans back to their stronghold at Ye (under Yuan Shang's control). He then withdrew, consolidating his territorial gains rather than completing his conquest; possibly, dissidents at the imperial court in Xu required his attention. Temporarily relieved from Cao Cao's pressure, the fraternal feud escalated and Yuan Shang besieged Yuan Tan's base at Pingyuan (平原), forcing the latter to conclude a marriage alliance with Cao Cao. The province of Ji fell to Cao Cao in the summer of 204 after the five month long Siege of Ye. Cao Cao paid his respects at Yuan Shao's tomb after conquering Ye, weeping bitterly for his old friend in front of his followers and giving Yuan Shao's family consolatory gifts and a government pension. Yuan Shang fled north to the third son, governor Yuan Xi of You Province, while Gao Gan, governor of Bing Province, defected to Cao Cao. In January and February 205, Cao Cao turned on the disloyal Yuan Tan, defeated and killed him in the Battle of Nanpi, and conquered Qing Province. Gao Gan rebelled in 205, but in 206 Cao Cao defeated and killed him, annexing Bing definitively.

Cao Cao assumed effective rule over all of northern China. Suffering mutiny amongst their own troops, Yuan Shang and Yuan Xi fled to the Wuhuan chieftains for aid. The Wuhuan chieftain Tadun assisted the Yuan brothers and started raiding Cao's territory. In 207, Cao Cao led a daring campaign beyond Chinese borders in hopes of destroying the Yuans once and for all. He fought an alliance of Wuhuan chieftains at the Battle of White Wolf Mountain. Though outnumbered and isolated, Cao Cao emerged victorious due to cleverly engineering his supply lines by digging two new canals and flanking the enemy, killing Tadun and forcing the Yuans to flee once again. This time, they went to Gongsun Kang for help, but he executed them and sent their heads to Cao Cao, granting him nominal control over You Province. Meanwhile, the northern tribes were now terrified of Cao Cao. Most of the remaining Wuhuan submitted to him, along with the Xianbei and Xiongnu.

Red Cliffs and the South campaign (208–210)

Temporary takeover of Jing Province (208)

After Yuan Shao's defeat at Guandu in 200, Cao Cao forced Liu Bei to flee to the governor of Jing Province, Liu Biao, who stationed him at the northern border in Xinye County to keep Cao Cao at bay. An initial Cao attack on Liu Bei was repelled during the Battle of Bowang (202). After completing his conquest of northern China in 207, Cao Cao turned his full attention to Jing Province, where a succession dispute erupted after the death of Liu Biao in August 208. Liu Biao's chosen heir was his younger son Liu Cong, but his elder son Liu Qi challenged him for the governorship, while Sun Quan attacked the eastern territories of Jing, Liu Bei hoped to usurp Jing for himself, and Cao Cao moved to invade Jing from the north with a hastily assembled army in September. Cao Cao's action proved to be decisive: Liu Cong surrendered to him without a fight, while Liu Bei fled south, but was slowed down by a large following of refugees. Cao Cao's 5,000 elite cavalry force caught up with Liu Bei and utterly defeated him at the Battle of Changban in October, capturing the baggage train and refugee column. Liu Bei himself narrowly escaped east with a handful of companions, linked up with Liu Qi at Fankou and sent Zhuge Liang to negotiate an alliance with Sun Quan, who eventually agreed to join forces. Cao Cao gained control of a large portion of the Yangtze river by occupying the Jiangling naval base, and ordered most of his army to sail down the river towards Chibi (Red Cliffs), while the rest marched over land, to defeat the newly forged alliance in one swift stroke.

Battle of Red Cliffs

At the Battle of Red Cliffs in the winter of 208, Cao Cao's forces were defeated by the coalition of Liu Bei and Sun Quan (who later founded the states of Shu Han and Eastern Wu respectively, becoming his arch-rivals in reunifying China). Despite superior numbers, the northern troops were exhausted from marching, prone to sickness in the unfamiliar southern climate and seasick on the river fleet (which they tried to mitigate by chaining the ships together), while especially the Sun soldiers were still fresh and experienced in riverine warfare. Allied general Huang Gai pretended to defect to the northerners, but took advantage of the fact that the Cao ships had been chained together to destroy them with fire ships. Meanwhile, an allied amphibious attack led by Zhou Yu routed Cao Cao's land forces at Wulin (乌林).

Throughout 209 and 210, Cao Cao's commanders were engaged in defensive efforts against Sun Quan. In battles at Jiangling and Yiling, Cao Cao's commanders in northern Jing (such as Cao Ren) fought against Sun Quan. They experienced mixed success, and Cao Cao was able to retain some territory in the north of that province. At the same time, they held off an attack on Hefei and put down a revolt in Lu that Sun Quan's forces tried to assist, keeping Sun Quan from moving to attack Shouchun. However, Cao Cao's commanders in southern Jing, cut off from the rest of Cao Cao's forces, surrendered to Liu Bei. Liu Qi initially succeeded his father as Inspector of Jing Province, but died in 209, after which Sun Quan appointed Liu Bei as Governor of Jing Province, and married off his sister Lady Sun to him to cement the alliance.

Campaigns in the northwest (211–220)

By 211, the situation in the south had stabilized and Cao Cao decided to crush his remaining enemies in the north, to the west of Chang'an (in Zuopingyi Commandery). In Hanzhong commandery on the Han River, in the north of Yi Province, Zhang Lu lived in revolt against the Han dynasty, running his own theocratic state. Cao Cao sent Zhong Yao with an army to force Zhang Lu's surrender. However, this disturbed a number of warlords in the Wei River valley and the wider Liang Province, who united under Han Sui and Ma Chao to oppose Cao Cao, believing that his maneuvers against Zhang Lu were actually directed at them. Cao Cao personally led the army against this alliance, and outmaneuvered the rebel army at every turn in the Battle of Tong Pass. The alliance shattered and many of the leaders were killed. Cao Cao spent the next month or two hunting down some of the leaders, many of whom surrendered to him. He left Xiahou Yuan to clear up affairs in the region and returned home in 212. In 213, he launched an invasion into Sun Quan's territory across the river Huai, but was defeated in the Battle of Ruxu, which confirmed Sun's control of the south.

In 213, Cao Cao received the title "Duke of Wei" (魏公) and was given the nine bestowments and a fief of ten cities under his domain, known as Wei. That same year, he marched south and attacked Ruxu. Sun Quan's general Lü Meng held off the attacks for about a month, and Cao Cao had to pull back in the end. In 215, Cao Cao moved into and took over Hanzhong. In 216, Cao Cao was promoted to the status of a vassal king – "King of Wei" (魏王). Over the years, Cao Cao, as well as Liu Bei and Sun Quan, continued to consolidate their power in their respective regions. Through many wars, China became divided into three powers – Wei, Shu and Wu, which fought sporadic battles without the balance tipping significantly in anyone's favour. The only exception was when Liu Bei's forces were able to take Hanzhong from Cao Cao's army after a campaign that took two years.

Death

In 220, Cao Cao died in Luoyang at the age of 65, having failed to unify China under his rule, allegedly of a "head disease". His will instructed that he be buried near Ximen Bao's tomb in Ye without gold and jade treasures, and that his subjects on duty at the frontier were to stay in their posts and not attend the funeral as, in his own words, "the country is still unstable".

Cao Cao's eldest surviving son Cao Pi succeeded him. Within a year, Cao Pi forced Emperor Xian to abdicate and proclaimed himself the first emperor of the state of Cao Wei. Cao Cao was then posthumously titled "Grand Ancestor Emperor Wu of Wei" (魏太祖武皇帝).

Cultural legacy

While historical records indicate Cao Cao as a brilliant ruler, he was represented as a cunning and deceitful man in Chinese opera, where his character is given a white facial makeup to reflect his treacherous personality. When Luo Guanzhong wrote the historical novel Romance of the Three Kingdoms, he took much of his inspiration from Chinese opera.

As a result, depictions of Cao Cao as unscrupulous have become much more popular among the common people than his real image. There have been attempts to revise this depiction.

As the novel Romance of the Three Kingdoms has been adapted to modern forms of entertainment, so has its portrayal of Cao Cao. Given the source material upon which these adaptations are founded, Cao Cao continues to be characterised as a prominent villain.

Through to modern times, the Chinese equivalent of the English idiom "speak of the Devil" is "speak of Cao Cao and Cao Cao arrives" (说曹操，曹操到 shuō Cáo Cāo, Cáo Cāo dào).

After the Communists won the Chinese Civil War in 1949, some people in China thought there might be some similarities between Cao Cao and Mao Zedong. In 1959, Peng Dehuai wrote a letter to Mao, in which he compared himself to Zhang Fei: because Mao Zedong compares himself to Cao Cao, Peng's comparison implied that he had an intuitively confrontational relationship with Mao. Mao had the letter widely circulated in order to make Peng's attitude clear to other Party members, and proceeded to purge Peng, eventually ending Peng's career.

In Romance of the Three Kingdoms

Romance of the Three Kingdoms, a historical novel composed by Luo Guanzhong in the 14th century (11 centuries after Cao Cao's death), was a romanticisation of the events that occurred in the late Han dynasty and the Three Kingdoms period. While adhering to historical facts most of the time, the novel inevitably reshaped Cao Cao to some extent, so as to portray him as a cruel and suspicious villain. In some chapters, Luo created fictional or semi-fictional events involving Cao Cao.

See the following for some fictitious stories in Romance of the Three Kingdoms involving Cao Cao:

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• Lü Boshe

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Agriculture and education

While waging military campaigns against his enemies, Cao Cao did not forget the basis of society – agriculture and education.

In 194, a locust plague caused a major famine across China. The people resorted to cannibalism out of desperation. Without food, many armies were defeated without fighting. From this experience, Cao Cao saw the importance of an ample food supply in building a strong military. He began a series of agricultural programs in cities such as Xu City and Chenliu. Refugees were recruited and given wasteland to cultivate. Later, encampments not faced with imminent danger of war were also made to farm. This system was continued and spread to all regions under Cao Cao as his realm expanded. Although Cao Cao's primary intention was to build a powerful army, the agricultural program also improved the living standards of the people, especially war refugees.

By 203, Cao Cao had eliminated most of Yuan Shao's forces. This afforded him more attention on construction within his realm. In autumn of that year, Cao Cao passed an order decreeing the promotion of education throughout the counties and cities within his jurisdiction. An official in charge of education was assigned to each county with more than 500 households. Youngsters with potential and talent were selected for schooling. This prevented a lapse in the training of intellectuals in those years of war, and, in Cao Cao's words, would benefit the people.

Poetry

Cao Cao was an accomplished poet, as were his sons Cao Pi and Cao Zhi. He was also a patron of poets such as Xu Gan. Of Cao Cao's works, only a remnant remain today. His verses, unpretentious yet profound, helped to reshape the poetic style of his time and beyond, eventually contributing to the poetry styles associated with Tang dynasty poetry. Cao Cao, Cao Pi and Cao Zhi are known collectively as the "Three Caos". The Three Caos' poetry, together with additional poets, became known as the Jian'an style, which contributed eventually to Tang and later poetry. Cao Cao also wrote verse in the older four-character per line style characteristic of the Classic of Poetry. Burton Watson describes Cao Cao as: "the only writer of the period who succeeded in infusing the old four-character metre with any vitality, mainly because he discarded the archaic diction associated with it and employed the ordinary poetic language of his time." Cao Cao is also known for his early contributions to the Shanshui poetry genre, with his 4-character-per-line, 14-line poem "View of the Blue Sea" (观沧海).

Mausoleum

On 27 December 2009, the Henan Provincial Cultural Heritage Bureau reported the discovery of Cao Cao's tomb in Xigaoxue Village, Anyang County, Henan. The tomb, covering an area of 740 square metres, was discovered in December 2008 when workers at a nearby kiln were digging for mud to make bricks. Its discovery was not reported and the local authorities knew of it only when they seized a stone tablet carrying the inscription 'King Wu of Wei' — Cao Cao's posthumous title — from grave robbers who claimed to have stolen it from the tomb. Over the following year, archaeologists recovered more than 250 relics from the tomb. The remains of three persons — a man in his 60s, a woman in her 50s and another woman in her 20s — were also unearthed and are believed to be those of Cao Cao, one of his wives, and a servant.

Since the discovery of the tomb, there have been many skeptics and experts who pointed out problems with it and raised doubts about its authenticity. In January 2010, the State Administration of Cultural Heritage legally endorsed the initial results from research conducted throughout 2009 suggesting that the tomb was Cao Cao's. However, in August 2010, 23 experts and scholars presented evidence at a forum held in Suzhou, Jiangsu to argue that the findings and the artifacts of the tomb were fake. In September 2010, an article published in an archaeology magazine claimed that the tomb and the adjacent one actually belonged to Cao Huan (a grandson of Cao Cao) and his father Cao Yu.

In 2010, the tomb became part of the fifth batch of Major Historical and Cultural Sites Protected at the National Level in China. , it has been announced that the local government in Anyang is constructing a museum on the original site of the tomb which will be named 'Cao Cao Mausoleum Museum' (曹操高陵博物馆).

Media reports from 2018 describe the tomb complex as having an outer rammed earth foundation, a spirit way, and structures on the east and south sides. Archaeologists have also noted that the tomb's exterior and perimeter appear to be deliberately left unmarked; there are neither structures above the ground around the tomb nor massive piles of debris in the vicinity. This indirectly confirms historical records that Cao Pi had ordered the monuments on the surface to be systematically dismantled to honour his father's wishes to be buried in a simple manner in a concealed location, as well as to prevent tomb robbers from finding and looting the tomb.

Family

Consorts and Issue:

• Furen, of the Ding clan (夫人 丁氏; d. 219)

• Empress Wuxuan, of the Bian clan (武宣皇后 卞氏; 159–230)

　• Emperor Wen (文皇帝 曹丕; 187–226), second son

　• Cao Zhang, Prince Wei of Rencheng (任城威王 曹彰; 189–223), third son

　• Cao Zhi, Prince Si of Chen (陈思王 曹植; 192–232), fourth son

　• Cao Xiong, Prince Huai of Xiao (萧怀王 曹熊)

　• Empress Xianmu (献穆皇后; 197–260), personal name Jie (节), married Emperor Xian, and had issue (one daughter)

　• A daughter, personal name Hua (华), married Emperor Xian

• Furen, of the Liu clan (夫人 刘氏)

　• Cao Ang, Prince Min of Feng (丰愍王 曹昂; 177–197), first son

　• Cao Shuo, Prince Shang of Xiang (相殇王 曹铄)

　• Princess Qinghe (清河公主), married Xiahou Mao

• Furen, of the Huan clan (夫人 环氏)

　• Cao Chong, Prince Ai of Deng (邓哀王 曹冲; 196–208)

　• Cao Ju, Prince of Pengcheng (彭城王 曹据)

　• Cao Yu, Prince of Yan (燕王 曹宇; d. 278)

• Furen, of the Du clan (夫人 杜氏)

　• Cao Lin, Prince Mu of Pei (沛穆王 曹林; d. 256)

　• Cao Gun, Prince Gong of Zhongshan (中山恭王 曹衮; d. 235)

　• Princess Jinxiang (金乡公主), married He Yan (196–249), and had issue (one son)

• Furen, of the Qin clan (夫人 秦氏)

　• Cao Xuan, Prince Huai of Jiyang (济阳怀王 曹玹)

　• Cao Jun, Prince Gong of Chenliu (陈留恭王 曹峻; d. 259)

• Furen, of the Yin clan (夫人 尹氏)

　• Cao Ju, Prince Min of Fanyang (范阳闵王 曹矩)

• Lady, of the Sun clan (孙氏)

　• Cao Shang, Duke Shang of Linyi (临邑殇公 曹上)

　• Cao Biao, Prince of Chu (楚王 曹彪; 195–251)

　• Cao Qin, Duke Shang of Gang (刚殇公 曹勤)

• Lady, of the Li clan (李氏)

　• Cao Cheng, Duke Shang of Gucheng (谷城殇公 曹乘)

　• Cao Zheng, Duke Dai of Mei (郿戴公 曹整; d. 218)

　• Cao Jing, Duke Shang of Ling (灵殇公 曹京)

• Lady, of the Zhou clan (周氏)

　• Cao Jun, Duke An of Fan (樊安公 曹均; d. 219)

• Lady, of the Chen clan (陈氏)

　• Cao Gan, Prince of Zhao (赵王 曹干; 214–261)

• Lady, of the Liu clan (刘氏)

　• Cao Ziji, Duke Shang of Guangzong (广宗殇公 曹棘)

• Lady, of the Song clan (宋氏)

　• Cao Hui, Prince Ling of Dongping (东平灵王 曹徽; d. 242)

• Lady, of the Zhao clan (赵氏)

　• Cao Mao, Prince of Laoling (乐陵王 曹茂)

• Unknown

　• A daughter, personal name Xian (宪), married Emperor Xian

　• Princess Anyang (安阳公主), married Xun Yun of Yingchuan (颍川 荀恽), the first son of Xun Yu, and had issue (two sons)

Ancestry

Cao Cao was a purported descendant of the Western Han dynasty chancellor Cao Shen. In the early 2010s, researchers from Fudan University compared the Y chromosomes collected from a tooth from Cao Cao's granduncle, Cao Ding (曹鼎), with those of Cao Shen and found them to be significantly different. Therefore, the claim about Cao Cao descending from Cao Shen was not supported by genetic evidence. The researchers also found that the Y chromosomes of Cao Ding match those of self-proclaimed living descendants of Cao Cao who hold lineage records dating back to more than 100 generations ago.

Zhu Ziyan, a history professor from Shanghai University, felt that Cao Ding's tooth alone cannot be used as evidence to determine Cao Cao's ancestry. He was sceptical about whether those who claim to be Cao Cao's descendants are really so, because genealogical records dating from the Song dynasty (960–1279) are already so rare in the present day, much less those dating from the Three Kingdoms era (220–280). Besides, according to historical records, Cao Ding was a younger brother of the eunuch Cao Teng, who adopted Cao Cao's biological father, Cao Song. Therefore, Cao Cao had no known blood relations with Cao Ding. In other words, Cao Ding was not Cao Cao's real granduncle (this assuming that there was no intra-family adoption, which was actually common in China). Zhu Ziyan mentioned that Fudan University's research only proves that those self-proclaimed descendants of Cao Cao are related to Cao Ding; it does not directly relate them to Cao Cao.

In popular culture

Film and television

The "Father of Hong Kong cinema", Lai Man-Wai, played Cao Cao in The Witty Sorcerer, a 1931 comedy film based on the story of Zuo Ci playing tricks on Cao Cao. In the Shaw Brothers film The Weird Man, Cao Cao was seen in the beginning of the film with Zuo Ci. Zuo Ci was playing tricks on him by giving him a tangerine with no fruit inside. This was later referenced in another film titled Five Element Ninjas.

Other notable actors who have portrayed Cao Cao in film and television include:

• Bao Guo'an, in the 1994 Chinese television series Romance of the Three Kingdoms. Bao won two Best Actor awards at the 1995 Golden Eagle Awards and Flying Apsaras Awards for his performance.

• Damian Lau, in the 2008 Hong Kong film Three Kingdoms: Resurrection of the Dragon.

• Zhang Fengyi, in the 2008–09 Chinese film Red Cliff.

• Chen Jianbin, in the 2010 Chinese television series Three Kingdoms.

• Jiang Wen, in the 2011 Hong Kong film The Lost Bladesman and the 2018 Chinese television series Cao Cao.

• Chow Yun-fat, in the 2012 Chinese film The Assassins.

• Zhao Lixin, in the 2014 Chinese television series Cao Cao.

• Yu Hewei, in the 2017 Chinese television series The Advisors Alliance.

• Tse Kwan-ho, in the 2018 Chinese television series Secret of the Three Kingdoms.

• Wang Kai, in the upcoming Hong Kong film Dynasty Warriors.

Card games

In the selection of hero cards in the Chinese card game San Guo Sha (三国杀), there is also a Cao Cao hero that players can select at the beginning of the game.

Cao Cao is also referenced in Magic: The Gathering, as the card "Cao Cao, Lord of Wei". This card is black, the colour representing ruthlessness and ambition, though not necessarily evil. It was first printed in Portal Three Kingdoms and again in From the Vault: Legends.

Video games

Cao Cao appears in Koei's Romance of the Three Kingdoms video game series. He is also featured as a playable character in Koei's Dynasty Warriors and Warriors Orochi series. He also features in Koei's Kessen II as a playable main character.

Cao Cao also appears in Puzzle & Dragons as part of the Three Kingdoms Gods series.

Cao Cao appears as a Great Person in Civilization IV and later as a Great General in Civilization V.

He is also featured as one of the available warlords that the player can choose from in Creative Assembly's game Total War: Three Kingdoms.

Cao Cao is a major character in Capcom's Tenchi wo Kurau video game series, all of which were based on the manga of the same name.

Cao Cao appears as a Legendary Commander in the mobile game Rise of Kingdoms.

Other appearances

As with most of the other relevant generals of the period, Cao Cao is portrayed as a young female character in the Koihime Musō franchise. He is also the central character in the Japanese manga series Sōten Kōro. Barry Hughart's novel The Story of the Stone mentions the Seven Sacrileges of Tsao Tsao, most of which involve family.

生平

早年生平

东汉永寿元年（155年），曹操出生于沛国谯县（今安徽亳州）的一个宦官家族，养祖父是宦官曹腾，历侍四代天子，汉桓帝时封为费亭侯。父亲曹嵩是曹腾养子，汉灵帝时官至太尉。《三国志》中记载曹操远祖是汉代初期的相国曹参，但是裴松之注曰：「嵩，夏侯氏之子，夏侯敦之叔父。太祖于敦为从父兄弟」；曹操身世众说纷纭。

曹操少年时机警过人，通权谋机变，十岁时曾经在家乡击退鳄鱼。但行为放荡不羁。曹操的叔父数次劝曹嵩，曹操听到后，有次在叔父经过时，装作中风的样子，叔父急忙去找曹嵩，曹嵩到达时，曹操却和平常一样，说我原本就没有病，因不受叔父喜爱，所以乱说谎吧。所以之后叔父每次告状时，都不受曹嵩的信任。（如曾和袁绍偷新娘。)，不为世人看重。只有桥玄、何顒、李瓒和王俊认为曹操是非常之人，将来一定会安定天下。当时曹操还默默无闻，桥玄建议曹操去结交当时的名士许劭，以提高名望。于是曹操就去拜访许劭，向他询问说：「我是怎样的人？」许劭鄙视曹操的为人，不肯回答，曹操找到机会威胁许劭，许劭不得已，给曹操做出「君清平之奸贼，乱世之英雄。」的评价（《异同杂语》作：「治世之能臣，乱世之奸雄」），曹操听罢大笑，并逐渐知名。建安七年（202年）曹操北征，路过桥玄之墓，下令祭祀桥玄，并且写下悼文。

曹操早年就喜爱武艺同时也很有才华，曾经潜入中常侍张让家，被张让发觉后，手舞著戟越墙逃出，全身而退。又博览群书，尤其喜欢兵法，曾经抄录古代诸家兵法韬略，还有注释《孙子兵法》的《孙子略解》；是为《孙子兵法》最早的注释本。

初入官场

曹操年轻时是名诸生，熹平三年（174年），二十岁的曹操察举孝廉成为郎官，不久司马芳(曹魏后期的权臣和西晋奠基人司马懿的父亲)推荐曹操为洛阳北部尉，但曹操想担任洛阳令，不过负责人事的选部尚书梁鹄并没有遵从曹操的意愿。曹操上任洛阳北部尉数月，宦官蹇硕的叔叔违禁夜行，被曹操依律棒杀。这使曹操得罪宦官集团，可是曹操是依法而行，这些人又无法中伤诋毁曹操，只好转而称赞他，举荐他去担任地方官。177年，曹操被任命为顿丘令，第二年，曹操因堂妹夫滁强侯宋奇被宦官诛杀，受到牵连，被免去官职。其后，在洛阳无事可做，回到家乡谯县闲居。

180年，曹操又被朝廷徵召，任命为议郎。此前（168年），大将军窦武、太傅陈蕃谋划诛杀宦官，不料反为阉党所害。曹操上书陈述窦武等人为官正直而遭陷害，致使奸邪之徒满朝，而忠良之人却得不到重用的情形，言辞恳切，没有被汉灵帝采纳。而后，曹操又多次上书进谏，虽偶有成效，但是东汉朝政日益腐败，曹操知道无法匡正。

中平元年（184年）二月，太平道首领张角聚众起义，黄巾之乱爆发，朝廷任命曹操为骑都尉，前往颍川郡镇压叛乱。由于镇压黄巾军有功，升任济南相，任职后罢免贪污官员约八成，并且严令禁止当时盛行的宗教迷信。据说因为曹操当政素称严明，济南郡一带作乱之徒听说曹操要来，都纷纷潜逃到别的郡县。曹操被任命为东郡太守，但是曹操没有就任，自称在担任济南相期间的行为得罪十常侍和地方豪强，害怕引起报复，称病回乡，在谯县东部五十里建筑精舍，上半年研读书籍传记，下半年以打猎为自己娱兴。当时天下纷乱，先是发生冀州刺史王芬联合南阳许攸、沛国周旌等地方豪强，谋划废黜灵帝立合肥侯的事件。王芬等人曾经希望曹操加入他们，但被曹操拒绝，后来王芬事败自杀。接著，又有西北金城郡（今甘肃兰州）的边章、韩遂杀死刺史和太守，率兵十馀万反叛朝廷。

188年，汉灵帝组建西园军，曹操被起用为典军校尉，并派往家乡募兵，结果中途士兵叛乱，袭击曹操，曹操负伤逃脱。189年，在位22年的汉灵帝驾崩，终年34岁，太子刘辩登基，何太后临朝听政。大将军何进想趁宦官失势之机诛灭阉党，但是没有取得太后的支持。于是何进便召时任并州刺史的董卓进京，胁迫太后同意。然而此举打草惊蛇，董卓尚未抵达京城，何进已经被宦官下手谋杀，随后宦官十常侍也被袁绍等人诛杀。同年九月，董卓入京，诛杀丁原，逼走袁绍，执掌朝政。废少帝刘辩为弘农王，改立其弟陈留王刘协为皇帝，是为汉献帝，京城陷入混乱。为了稳定局面，董卓想拉拢曹操，上表奏请曹操为骁骑校尉。但是，曹操没有接受董卓所封的官职，害怕惹祸上身，更名改姓，潜逃出洛阳。曹操逃亡到成皋，投奔故人吕伯奢家，吕伯奢不在，其子招待曹操。曹操听见有食器声音，以为吕伯奢儿子要抓捕自己献给官府，乾脆将吕伯奢五个儿子和吕家2名宾客全部杀死。事后曹操发现自己是误杀，于是说「宁我负人，毋人负我！」来安慰自己。曹操杀死吕伯奢儿子离开后，道逢二人，容貌威武，曹操避让。二人笑著对曹操说：「感觉你很害怕，为什么呀？」曹操觉得诧异，把刚才杀人的事全盘托出。临别前，曹操解佩刀送给二人并说：「以此表吾丹心，愿二贤慎勿言。」曹操继续向东逃亡，经过中牟县时，被亭长怀疑是逃亡的罪犯，于是将曹操抓去见县令。乡野中有人认得这人就是曹操，就拜托县令杨原把曹操给放走。

起兵讨董

189年十二月，在回到陈留郡之后，曹操散尽家财徵募乡勇，甚至亲自和刀匠一同制作武器，豪强卫兹也倾家财助之，曹操率先于己吾揭竿举义，讨伐董卓。初平元年（190年）正月，董卓讨伐战开始，勃海太守袁绍、后将军袁术、冀州牧韩馥、豫州刺史孔伷、河内太守王匡、兖州刺史刘岱、陈留太守张邈、东郡太守桥瑁、山阳太守袁遗、济北国相鲍信等地方势力，举兵反董，群雄推举袁绍为盟主。曹操则行使奋武将军之职。

此次战役中，曹操跟随诸将驻扎酸枣，当时天下英雄豪杰，都以袁绍马首是瞻，只有鲍信认为曹操是拨乱反正的雄才。而鲍信的推算也没有错，在董卓焚烧洛阳，挟持汉献帝与百官迁都长安之后，袁绍等各军将领都畏惧董卓而按兵不动，谁也不敢先发动攻击，唯有曹操单独引兵西行。张邈派部将卫兹率领一部份兵力跟随曹操，曹操打算夺取成皋，在抵达荥阳汴水时，和董卓部将徐荣遭遇，大败，士卒死伤众多。战中，曹操被流矢射中，所骑战马受伤倒下，幸而曹洪把自己的坐骑让给曹操，且步行随侍保护，才能乘夜逃走。也是因为这战，徐荣发现曹操以这么少的兵力，都能奋战一整天，判断酸枣不易攻下，因此也向后撤退。

曹操回到酸枣，看见各军累积起来也有十馀万，但诸将每天欢宴饮酒，没人图谋进取，于是提出建议：

• 袁绍从河内发兵，进逼孟津。

• 酸枣诸将，据守成皋，控制敖仓，封锁轘辕关、太谷关，掌握险要。

• 袁术攻击丹水、析，直入武关，威胁三辅。

• 全军兴筑高大坚固的堡垒，不和董卓军团正面冲突，只派出游击部队骚扰，完全控制关东，从而立于不败之地，等待董卓军内部发生变化。

然后诸将不能接受这项部署，曹操因为士兵多死在荥阳之战，只好跟司马夏侯敦等，前往扬州募兵，扬州刺史陈温、丹阳太守周昕给予曹操四千馀人。行军至龙亢，士卒叛变，趁夜焚烧曹操营帐，曹操亲手斩杀数十人，才出营帐，没有参与叛变的仅剩五百馀人。又行军到銍、建平一带，集结残兵一千馀人，投奔袁绍，前来河内驻守。

然而不久后，酸枣大营粮秣告尽，各军星拔营散，同时内斗又起，刘岱和桥瑁交恶，桥瑁被杀。袁绍和韩馥又谋立幽州牧刘虞为帝，想拉拢曹操，遭到曹操拒绝。联军无暇顾及董卓之事，于是反董卓联盟解散，除了曹操、孙坚、王匡之外，其馀诸军皆没有和凉州军团交战，只是各怀鬼胎，保存实力。曹操听从鲍信的建议，想避开袁绍新占的冀州，往黄河南边的兖州进行发展。这时黑山军于毒、白绕、眭固等十馀万众攻略魏郡、东郡，东郡太守王肱无法抵抗，曹操趁机让袁绍让自己前往东郡，并顺利的在濮阳击败白绕。袁绍于是上表曹操为东郡太守，屯驻东武阳。

收众山东

初平三年（192年），曹操驻军顿丘，黑山贼于毒等趁机攻击东武阳，曹操率军直向于毒的本营西山，于毒得到消息，解除对东武阳的进攻。曹操趁胜进抵内黄，大破眭固及南匈奴单于于夫罗等，东郡遂告安定。

夏，青州的百万黄巾大军入侵兖州。兖州刺史刘岱不听济北相鲍信劝阻，与黄巾军交战，结果被杀，举州惊恐。曹操部属陈宫前往昌邑，向别驾、治中推荐曹操继任。鲍信心中亦有同样想法，于是与州吏万潜等到东郡迎接太守曹操，推举他担任兖州牧。后来与黄巾军战于寿张以东，初期失利，后曹操即起补救，加强训练，赏罚严格，又不断使用奇兵诡计，昼夜进攻，终于逼退黄巾军。然而鲍信在乱军中战死，曹操重金寻鲍信尸体不得，只好雕刻其木像安葬祭拜。之后，曹操追击黄巾直到济北国，黄巾军眼见退无可退，遂全体投降，其中有士兵三十馀万人，眷属老幼约一百万人。曹操遴选其精锐，组成大名鼎鼎的「青州兵」。

与此同时，汉献帝下诏使金尚为兖州刺史，曹操在金尚要赴任之际，率军攻击，金尚只好投奔袁术。

当时，袁绍和袁术反目成仇，双方拉结人马，袁绍找上荆州刘表，而袁术则找上公孙瓒、陶谦。作为袁绍盟友的曹操，帮助袁绍打败屯驻高唐的刘备，屯驻平原的单经，屯驻发干的陶谦等。

初平四年（193年），曹操屯军鄄城。此时刘表截断盘踞在南阳的袁术其粮道，袁术受不了如此压力，率军北上，打算进占兖州。联络黑山贼馀党以及于夫罗，屯驻封丘，并派遣将领刘详驻扎匡亭。曹操出兵攻击刘详，袁术来救，为曹操所败，曹操乘胜包围封丘，还没包围完成，袁术突围，退驻襄邑，曹操追击，连战连胜，最后袁术退入扬州九江郡，曹操因此回军定陶。是为匡亭之战。

秋，陶谦攻打兖州东部泰山郡，使得曹操父亲曹嵩被杀。对于曹嵩之死，存在争议。为此事，曹操开始攻击徐州牧陶谦，并得到袁绍相助。曹操打到彭城，陶谦不敌退保郯县，曹操在徐州大屠杀。《后汉书》对此事描录「凡杀男女数十万人，鸡犬无馀，泗水为之不流」。

兴平元年（194年），曹操以荀彧、程昱留守，再攻陶谦，进逼东海、琅邪，并在剡县大破前来帮忙陶谦的刘备，吓得陶谦差点逃回丹阳。就在此时，张邈因为恐惧曹操将为袁绍杀死自己，而陈宫则因为边让被杀而心生恐惧，于是两人联合从事中郎许汜、王楷以及张邈弟张超等，奉迎吕布成为兖州牧。吕布占据濮阳，兖州郡县大部分都响应，等曹操回军时，根据地只剩下鄄城、范、东阿三县。

曹操和吕布交战于濮阳，濮阳豪门田氏作为内应，大开城门迎接曹操。曹操焚烧东门，誓言绝不退出，但被吕布反攻大败，出奔。吕布的一名军官，抓住曹操，却不认识曹操，反而问曹操在哪里，曹操回答：「骑马逃走那个就是曹操。」军官相信而放掉曹操，曹操才因此逃过一劫。

曹操回营后，再度组织进攻，双方再战于濮阳，对峙一百馀天，双方粮秣用尽，于是各自撤退。在这危急时刻，曹操曾想投奔袁绍，但被程昱劝阻，曹操这才打消念头，但还是亲自前往袁绍处，借了五千士兵回兖州继续和吕布作战。

兴平二年（195年），曹操在钜野大败吕布部将薛兰、李封等，吕布与陈宫卷土重来，双方遭遇，曹操兵全出去收割小麦，只剩一千馀人，于是曹操设伏，吕布发现敌人单薄，轻装突击，曹操伏兵出击，大败吕布，乘胜攻取定陶，分兵收复诸县，吕布逃奔徐州。后，曹操围雍丘，城破，夷张超三族。就在此时，汉献帝封曹操为兖州牧。曹操受封兖州牧后，向汉献帝进贡梨、椑、枣各二箱。曹操在兖州鏖战四年，总算得到朝廷的承认，也扎实地站稳其第一个领地。

奉迎天子

195年七月，李傕与郭汜为了争权夺利，内斗不断，汉献帝趁机逃出长安，进驻安邑。建安元年（196年），曹操听从谋士荀彧、毛玠建议，前往洛阳，迎接皇帝。

虽然汉献帝（或其掌权之臣）对曹操仍有疑虑，但是曹操势力击破黄巾军，表现出关心社稷的忠心。由于京师洛阳被董卓破坏，残破不堪，汉室于八月庚午日（10月7日）迁都至颍川郡许县。曹操于十一月丙戌日（197年1月1日）被任命为司空，行车骑将军，封武平侯，仍领兖州牧，开始掌控东汉朝廷的军政大权。

早在兖州时期，曹操就开始打算和袁绍决裂。曹操控制汉献帝后，让献帝下诏书谴责袁绍地广兵多而树立党羽，不闻勤王之师而但擅相讨伐。袁绍不服，上书辩解。曹操为了安抚冀州牧袁绍，上表汉献帝，封其为太尉。袁绍又不肯位列曹操之下，甚至被曹操背盟举动所激怒，说；「曹操有几次都快没命，我每次都救他，现在曹操忘恩负义，居然挟天子以令我吗？！」。最后曹操让汉献帝封袁绍为大将军。袁绍眼见曹操控制皇帝，藉口许都潮湿，洛阳残破，要曹操迁都靠近袁绍控制区的鄄城，曹操不同意。

四方征战

197年，曹操征讨南阳郡的张绣，张绣举众投降，之后因为曹操纳张绣叔父张济之妻邹氏，张绣对这件事感到十分痛恨，曹操得知后密谋要杀害张绣。由于计画泄漏，张绣袭击曹操，曹操在长子曹昂、侄子曹安民与校尉典韦殿后下逃亡，曹昂、曹安民与典韦阵亡。此后，曹操又两度攻击张绣，都没有彻底击破。两年后，张绣接受谋士贾诩的建议，向曹操投降，曹操才取得对荆州北部的控制，并且消除许都南面的威胁。

198年十二月，曹操用荀攸、郭嘉的计策，开决泗、沂二河之水灌入下邳，最后生擒处死吕布、陈宫与高顺，收降张辽，把徐州纳入势力范围。199年，曹操派史涣、曹仁、于禁和徐晃击破张杨旧部眭固，取得河内郡，把势力范围扩张到黄河以北。同年六月，穷途末路的袁术病死于寿春，其部下向曹操投降，淮南之地尽归曹操之手。

统一北方

200年正月，车骑将军董承与左将军刘备、长水校尉种辑、将军吴子兰、王子服等人自称收到汉献帝的衣带诏，密谋诛杀曹操，事情败露后除刘备外被曹操杀害，夷灭三族，怀孕的董贵人也被绞杀。在外领兵的刘备听说后斩杀车胄，统领徐州。不久，曹操攻下徐州，刘备逃到冀州投奔袁绍。

二月开始，曹操和袁绍展开一系列的会战，史称官渡之战。谋士沮授建议袁绍采取持久战略不被采纳，而许攸建议袁绍派兵袭击许都亦不被接受。十月，战事处入僵局之时，袁绍谋士许攸因为袁绍和他多次不和，许攸家属因为犯罪被袁绍处罚，许攸对袁绍怀恨在心于是投奔曹操，向曹操献策，偷袭袁绍的粮草囤积地乌巢。曹操采纳，因而扭转战局。张合向袁绍建议派大军救援乌巢，但是袁绍只派轻骑去救援。乌巢守将淳于琼对曹军未先加以防范，结果乐进率军攻陷乌巢，烧掉袁绍所有的军粮，俘虏斩杀淳于琼。乌巢沦陷之后袁绍兵败逃回邺城，张合、高览投降曹操，沮授因为拒绝投降而被处死。202年五月，袁绍去世，他最喜欢的三子袁尚继承大将军、冀州牧之位，与兄长袁谭内斗不断。

204年，曹操趁袁氏兄弟内斗的机会，发兵攻下邺城，诛杀审配，自领冀州牧，把自己的据点北迁到冀州邺城，政令军队此后皆从此出，只是在许县留有个别官吏监视汉献帝。205年攻下青州，诛杀袁谭与郭图。206年，平定并州高干的叛乱。207年，曹操征讨乌桓，诛杀蹋顿

，谋士郭嘉病死在行军途中。袁尚、袁熙兵败后逃往辽东，被太守公孙康所杀。至此，曹操经过七年的战争，彻底消灭袁氏集团，基本统一中国北方。

曹操出身寒族，而且与阉宦有关，虽然深通诗文，但是不以儒家经学为务，与当时服膺经学的经学、士大夫不同。曹操曾下「求才三令」，强调重才不重德，并以法家之术为治，要摧破豪族的儒学。曹操为一代枭雄，不仅得到众多寒族人才支持，也得到部份经学士大夫支持，如荀彧、荀攸、钟繇，荀彧更为曹操引进不少士大夫阶层的人才。

赤壁折戟

建安十三年六月癸巳日（208年7月9日），曹操恢复丞相制度，自为丞相。七月，曹操亲统大军10馀万南征荆州，企图先灭刘表，再顺长江东进，击败孙权。八月，荆州牧刘表病亡，次子刘琮请降。九月，刘备在长阪坡被曹军重创，逃往江夏，派遣诸葛亮出使柴桑，与孙权联合。十二月，江东名将周瑜火烧乌林，曹操败于孙权和刘备联军，损失惨重，逃回北方，三国鼎立的雏型初步形成。209年，孙权率军攻打合肥，却中计退兵。周瑜占领江陵与夷陵，守将曹仁、徐晃、乐进等人逃往襄阳。

211年三月，曹操为用兵关中，藉口要讨伐汉中张鲁，遣曹仁、夏侯渊等统率大军与钟繇会师于关中，此举引起起关中诸侯的惊疑，马超等十部起兵联合反曹，曹操依贾诩离间之计，引起马超、韩遂等人相互猜疑，一举击溃关中联军，马超等人各自走还凉州。十月，曹操进军安定，杨秋投降。曹操率军撤回，命令夏侯渊督众将继续西征。随后，马超在陇西卷土重来，先后攻下陇西各地，但是最后复夺凉州未成，兵败逃奔汉中。曹军在数年之内逐马超、破韩遂、灭宋建、横扫羌、氐，虎步关右，凉州地区基本平定。

封公称王

建安十七年（212年），汉献帝准许曹操「参拜不名、入朝不趋、剑履上殿」，如汉丞相萧何故事。董昭等人推举曹操为魏公，荀彧以忠于汉室的立场提出反对。曹操答应荀彧永不做魏公，但是因此对荀彧不悦，不久荀彧忧愤去世。曹操起兵号称四十万，亲自南征孙权。次年（213年）正月，曹军进军濡须口（今安徽巢湖东南），攻破孙权设在江北的营寨，生擒公孙阳。孙权亲率军七万，前至濡须口抵御曹军，相持月余，各无所获。曹操见孙权军容严整，自己难以取胜，遂撤军北还。五月丙申日（6月16日），汉献帝正式下诏册封曹操为魏公，加九锡。其领地广及魏郡、河东郡、河内郡等十个郡国，超过西汉初年的刘姓宗室藩王，更加违背「七国之乱」和推恩令后诸侯封地不得超过一郡的汉制。

建安十九年三月癸未日（214年3月30日），汉献帝使曹操的魏公位在诸侯王上，改授金玺，赤绂、远游冠。伏皇后数年前曾经写信给父亲伏完，要他秘密图划铲除曹操，伏完直到去世都不敢动手。后来事情败露，曹操命令御史大夫郗虑与尚书令华歆一起统兵入宫逮捕伏皇后。伏皇后紧闭门户，披发赤脚藏匿于墙壁之中，被华歆伸手牵出，监禁于掖庭暴室里幽禁而死，所生的两位皇子被鸩酒毒杀，伏氏宗族一百多人亦被处死，曹操之女曹节被立为皇后。

215年，曹操进攻汉中，太守张鲁投降。曹操收降张鲁后，取得汉中属地，但是刘备得悉曹操攻降汉中，早晚要南下伐蜀，便和孙权以湘水为界平分荆州，回师益州。此时曹操没有接受刘晔的建议，未能趁刘备未站住脚跟之时攻蜀，便班师回朝。同年曹操获得名义上分封诸侯和任命太守的权力。

建安廿一年四月甲午日（216年5月29日），曹操被封为魏王，立曹丕为世子，公然违反汉高祖所订「非刘氏而王，天下共击之」的白马之盟。次年（217年）僭天子礼，设天子旌旗，戴天子旒冕，出入得称警跸，并作泮宫。十月，再授赐十王冠、二彩带，乘金根车，驾六马，设五时副车。他名义上虽仍为汉臣，实际上掌握等同于皇帝的权力和待遇，权倾朝野，汉朝已经名存实亡。曹操任命夏侯渊为征西将军、曹仁为征南将军，欲取荆蜀之地。

东进西退

215年，曹操打算报复孙权的皖城打击，随即率军伐吴，可惜以失败告终。孙权率领讹称十万大军进攻合肥，曹操当时刚刚拿下汉中，不能亲自前往征战，便命令合肥守将张辽、乐进、李典阻挡进攻，孙权最终攻不下撤兵。216年，曹操拘留南匈奴单于呼厨泉，派右贤王去卑监国，将南匈奴分成五部，分别安置在朔方、并州、幽州一带，其中左部帅刘豹就是十六国汉赵政权创建者刘渊的父亲。

216年冬，曹操再次率军攻打濡须口，217年开始进攻逼退正在濡须口筑新城的孙权，但后来孙权作出反击，把曹操军击退回居巢，双方进入胶著阶段。当时连日大雨水涨，孙权驱使水军令魏军将士不安，曹操当时无法打败孙权，也未能穿越长江巢湖，看见形势不利便下令撤军，征战时及归途中大军受瘟疫侵袭死伤者众多。战后，孙权派都尉徐详以重结姻亲为条件向汉朝廷请降，曹操则对徐详表示自己想跨越长江与孙权一起在江东狩猎的意愿，但徐详认为这样只会令江东震荡，委婉拒绝曹操想乘机进入长江天险的意图，曹操听后大笑，随即接受孙权的请降并结为姻亲。

从217年末起，刘备率军大举进攻汉中阳平关，汉中之战爆发。218年七月，曹操亲率大军坐镇长安，同时边塞硝烟再起，曹彰、田豫北征，大破乌桓、鲜卑联军。镇守汉中的夏侯渊与刘备相峙一年，曹军守将夏侯渊、张合、徐晃多次击退刘备军猛烈攻势。

219年正月，刘备亲自领军和黄忠分进合击，于定军山斩杀征西将军夏侯渊。至此汉中为刘备取得，同年三月曹操亲自挥军欲夺回，一度召集抽调镇守北方的曹彰二十万大军增援，但是都为刘备所败，曹军无功而返，刘备便派刘封、黄忠、赵云等将昼夜不停攻击曹军。至五月曹操便撤退至长安，且身体已感觉不适。刘备攻下房陵，派刘封顺沔水攻占上庸。相传此战为「鸡肋」一词的出处。

襄樊之战

219年七月，刘备在汉中自立为汉中王，封关羽为前将军。关羽起荆襄之兵大举北伐襄樊，进一步围困曹军大将曹仁、满宠的残军于樊城，史称樊城之战。曹操派左将军于禁援救，适逢汉水暴涨，淹没于禁七军，汉军乘势以水军攻打，活捉于禁。于禁向关羽投降，庞德被俘虏后不降遭斩，关羽并另遣军队包围襄阳，一时之间威震华夏。当时曹操治下许多州郡的叛军早已受关羽遥控。

同年十月，曹操来到洛阳，欲迁都以避其锋芒，司马懿、蒋济等人劝阻，认为孙权必然不愿看到关羽坐大。孙权果然自请袭击关羽后方，曹操并召集驻守合肥与孙权对峙的张辽军队、在汉中监视巴蜀的徐晃军队等，并且亲自由洛阳领军往樊城救援。

曹操又命人把孙权偷袭荆州的消息用箭射到关羽和樊城守将曹仁处，曹军士气大振，而关羽进退失据。最先抵达樊城的徐晃军，乘著大水稍退，对围城的关羽军展开攻击。曹仁终于突围而出，与徐晃军一同击退关羽。同年十二月，往南退军的关羽被占领江陵的孙权俘虏后处斩，孙权将关羽的首级送到洛阳，曹操以诸侯之礼安葬，襄樊战役结束。

枭雄寿终

219年冬天，孙权上书称臣，陈说天命，劝曹操称帝。曹操把孙权来书给群臣观看，陈群、夏侯敦和司马懿等人都劝曹操簒位。曹操却不想簒汉自立，他说：「若天命在吾，吾为周文王矣。」；因周文王的儿子周武王当王，部分人认为曹操暗示自己的儿子称帝。（学术界分为两派，一部分人认为曹操暗示自己儿子去称帝，而另一部分人认为曹操不想篡汉，只想当个周文王那样的英雄就好了）

建安二十四年（220年）曹操病重时，自虑不起，对于长子曹昂的死，叹曰：「我前后行意，于心未曾有所负也。假令死而有灵，子修（曹昂）若问我母（丁氏）所在，我将何辞以答！」

建安二十五年正月廿三日庚子（220年3月15日），曹操病逝于洛阳，享年65岁，谥号武王。

曹操临死前留下《遗令》，提倡薄葬。二月廿一日丁卯（4月11日），曹操被安葬于邺城西郊的高陵，与西门豹祠相近。

曹操去世后，世子曹丕嗣魏王、丞相、冀州牧之位。不久，夏侯敦、程昱等人也先后去世。同年十月廿九日（12月11日），曹丕代汉，迫使汉献帝退位禅让，建立曹魏，年号黄初，定都洛阳。封刘协为山阳公，追尊曹操为太祖武皇帝。

文学成就

体裁

曹操诗歌在表现形式上往往有所创新，如「薤露行」、「蒿里行」，「短歌行」古辞都是杂言，各曲仅为四句，曹操则改用五言来写，各十六句。五言诗以外，又长于四言诗。

《蒿里行》原是杂言，曹操却以五言重写，非常成功。四言诗方面，本自《诗经》之后已见衰落，少有佳作，但曹操却继承《国风》和《小雅》的传统，反映现实，抒发情感。例如：《短歌行》、《步出夏门行》等均是四言诗之佳作，使四言诗重生而再放异彩。

此外，曹操还有不少其他文章传世，例如《请追增郭嘉封邑表》、《让县自明本志令》、《与王修书》、《祀故太尉桥玄文》等，文字质朴，感情流露，流畅率真。

内容思想

曹操用旧调旧题，描写新内容。汉乐府诗多著重塑造客观人物形象，曹操的乐府诗却突破诗人自我形象；汉乐府诗以叙事为主，曹操的乐府诗却以抒情为主。他没有形式上模拟乐府，而是学习民歌反映现实创作精神，用旧曲作词，既具有民歌的特色，而又富有自己的创造性。

曹操善于以诗歌抒写政治理想和抱负，雄心壮志，诗中充满奋发进取的精神，也有思忧难忘、人生朝露的消极情绪，还有宿命思想，又写了一些游仙诗。

曹操诗内容大致有三种：反映汉末动乱的现实、统一天下的理想和顽强的进取精神、以及抒发忧思难忘的消极情绪。

• 汉末大乱，曹操又南征北讨，接触的社会面非常广大，故多有亲身经验和体会如《蒿里行》谓汉末战乱的惨象，见百姓悲惨之馀又见诗人伤时悯乱的感情。故后人谓曹操乐府「汉末实录，真诗史也。」

• 曹操对天下具有野心，怀有统一之雄图，《短歌行》有谓「周公吐哺，天下归心。」可资明证。其进取之心亦可见出，如《龟虽寿》言之「老骥伏枥，志在千里。」言己虽至晚年仍不弃雄心壮志。

• 一代枭雄，纵风光一世，亦有星落殒灭之时。曹操对此也感到无能为力，只有作诗感叹，无可奈何。如《短歌行》中「譬如朝露，去日苦多」的感伤，《秋胡行》之低沈情绪，《陌上桑》等游仙作品中都可见他的消极情绪。

曹操的诗，极受乐府影响，现存的诗脱胎自汉乐府民歌。这些诗歌虽用乐府旧题，却不因袭古人诗意，自辟新蹊，不受束缚，而是体现汉乐府「感于哀乐，缘事而发」的精神。例如：《薤露行》、《蒿里行》原是挽歌，曹操却以之悯时悼乱。《步出夏门行》原是感叹人生无常，须及时行乐的曲调，曹操却以之抒述一统天下的抱负及北征归来所见的壮景。可见曹操富有创新精神的民歌，开启建安文学的新风，也影响到后来的杜甫、白居易等人。

语言风格

曹操诗语言多古朴质直，少华美词藻；情调悲壮，激昂慷慨；音调昂扬，气魄雄伟；形象鲜明，善用比兴。

曹操诗文辞简朴，直抒襟怀，慷慨悲凉而沉郁雄健，华美辞藻并不常见，惟形象鲜明，如《观沧海》一诗：「东临碣石，以观沧海。水何澹澹，山岛竦峙。树木丛生，百草丰茂。秋风萧瑟，洪波涌起，日月之行，若出其中，星汉灿烂，若出其里。」寥寥数笔，即能以辽阔的沧海景象，表现诗人胸襟，不加润饰。

《诗品》评价

锺嵘《诗品》对曹操的作品评价「曹公古直，甚有悲凉之句。」，将其置于下品，引起争议，后世学者亦有认为曹操作品应置于上品。一般认为是由于锺嵘喜五言诗，而曹操的作品以四言诗见长之故。

容貌

• 《世说新语》容止第十四注引《魏氏春秋》：武王姿貌短小，而神明英发。

• 《世说新语》容止第十四：魏武将见匈奴使，自以形陋，不足雄远国，使崔季圭代，帝自捉刀立床头。既毕，令间谍问曰：「魏王何如？」匈奴使答曰：「魏王雅望非常，然床头捉刀人，此乃英雄也。」魏武闻之，追杀此使。

• 曹操小字阿瞒。《说文解字》卷五目部：瞒，平目也。

性格

• 曹操为人聪明能干，但也十分狡猾。起初名声不显，可是也有很多人看好曹操的才华，如陈寿的「抑可谓非常之人，超世之杰矣」及许劭的「子治世之能臣，乱世之奸雄」已明显阐述曹操的才能非比常人。也有许多人瞧不起曹操的品德，孙盛曰：「魏武于是失政刑矣。易称『明折庶狱』，传有『举直措枉』，庶狱明则国无怨民，枉直当则民无不服，未有徵青蝇之浮声，信浸润之谮诉，可以允厘四海，惟清缉熙者也。昔者汉高狱萧何，出复相之，玠之一责，永见摈放，二主度量，岂不殊哉！」

• 曹操性格严厉，掾属办公如果不合其意，常常被他杖责。其中何夔经常带著毒药，决心如被杖责宁可自鸩而死也不受侮辱，而何夔终究没有遭受杖刑。

• 曹操生性猜忌，得罪过他的人，几乎都被他杀死，例如：崔琰、许攸、娄圭、孔融、杨修、华佗、边让、桓邵、刘勋等人，赵彦欲亲近汉献帝者亦被杀死。即使没犯错只要威胁到曹操，曹操亦杀之，神童周不疑便是最好的例子。张绣兵变复投曹营后八年便病故，不然一般认为张绣若活得够久早晚遭曹操清算。谋士荀彧由于反对曹操称魏公也被其嫉恨冷落。同时曹操又派下属卢洪、赵达二人担任抚军都尉负责监视军人，大家对卢洪、赵达恨得要死。

• 曹操的性格是有两面性的，从《让县自明本志令》中可以看出曹操有政治智慧，也有性情。这样一份有重要政治意义的纲领性文件却用了非常朴实的语言风格，以及他的遗嘱中很少提及他的政治生涯，很大篇幅都是安排琐碎的家务事，虽说苏东坡曾对此评价「平生奸伪，死见真性」，但是「惟大英雄能本色，是真名士自风流」，可见他的性情。另一方面，他也是奸猾的，他以《让县自明本志令》表明对汉朝的忠心，但实际行动却浑然不同，在相同的实例中可以看出曹操的不同性格。

• 曹操深通兵法，在战略、战术方面都能应付裕如，常用计略来应付一系列的群雄战争来取胜，曹操甚还为孙武（孙子）所著作的《孙子兵法》做过注释。

• 曹操擅长武艺、剑术，十岁时击退过鳄鱼，曾在兵变时，用剑杀死数十个乱兵才脱身。甚至有一次偷进张让家时被发现，曹操手挥舞戟才得以逃跑，曹操也有抱负著野心的态度来面对乱世，如其迎接刘协代表其掌控了汉朝大势，使到汉献帝刘协也没有权力。曹操也是残忍之者，时常屠城，所以曹操杀人亦不手软，坑杀士卒、214年杀害皇后，所生的两位皇子亦以毒酒毒杀，伏氏宗族有百多人亦被处死、有孕在身的董贵人也未能幸免。曹操更过度劳役人民，以致有时爆发起义。

• 曹操妻妾众多，不过娶纳方面并不是毫无一个标准。并其中出名者多自他处改嫁而来。收降张绣时，收了张绣伯母入侧室，引来张绣不快，曹操得知后于是想杀害张绣，但是由于计画泄漏，引起张绣兵变，其长子曹昂，侄儿曹安民以及典韦白白地牺牲。曹操曾许诺将秦宜禄前妻杜夫人赠与关羽，但见其美色后自纳之，关羽因此心中不安。虽说好色，但曹操纳妾实际上是有所标准，综观曹操所收的妻妾，不是寡妇，就是别人休离的前妻，所以曹操才不齿吕布染指有夫之妇的行为。曹操也很疼爱妻子所带来继子，并不因为非自己所出就有所忌讳。曹操死前也留下遗言，要求善待他的夫人们。

• 曹操生性节俭，不好华丽。《魏晋世语》记载，曹植之妻崔氏（崔琰侄女）就因穿著过于华丽的衣服违反了禁令，回家后就被曹操赐死了。

• 曹操不相信鬼神，在担任济南相期间捣毁城阳景王刘章祠，并且认为坟墓也终将被人盗掘，所以极力提倡丧葬从简，一改汉代奢华之风。曹操曾设立发丘中郎将、摸金校尉等职，专门盗墓掘坟以赚取军费，行事风格非常乾脆实际。然而此举乃失德之行，连袁绍的幕僚陈琳起草讨曹之「檄文」中亦把曹操公然发掘汉梁孝王墓列为其罪行之一。

• 曹操喜欢吃鱼，在他的《四时食制》中提及不少鱼类。在一场宴会中也说过「今日高会，珍羞略备，所少吴松江鲈鱼耳。」

• 曹操一度认为叔孙通任用盗贼有理，并认为贤人君子无法办理检举一事，自校事赵达遭伏法后，曹操才向建议检举赵达的高柔道歉。

• 曹操长年以来有严重偏头痛毛病，甚至有痛到在地上打滚的纪录，一日曹操头痛症犯，强忍苦楚批阅陈琳奏章，陈的绝妙文笔让曹操看得入神连头痛都忘了，之后曹操以此事开玩笑称赞陈琳妙笔生花可治头痛，后引申为成语「文愈头风」。

身世争议

曹操的父亲曹嵩被宦官曹腾收养，其本来身份与姓氏一直存在争议。《三国志》作者陈寿记载「莫能审其生出本末。」刘宋裴松之《三国志注》中引用的《曹瞒传》和郭颁《世语》则记载曹嵩本姓夏侯，是夏侯敦的叔父。

对于曹嵩出自夏侯氏的记载，何焯提出夏侯敦的儿子夏侯楙娶了曹操的女儿清河公主，夏侯渊的儿子夏侯衡也娶了曹家的女子，所以这种说法是敌对方东吴的传闻，不可采信。而潘眉、林国赞、姚范和赵一清则认为陈寿将夏侯敦、夏侯渊、曹仁、曹洪、曹休、曹真、夏侯尚放在同一个列传中，正隐寓夏侯氏是曹魏的宗室，曹操是夏侯氏的子孙，赵一清还指出曹操把女儿嫁给夏侯楙大概是想掩盖自己的出身，非常地奸诈，何焯据此辩证曹操不是夏侯氏的子孙完全是颠倒事实。恽敬则认为曹操虽然阴险狡猾，也不应该做出近亲通婚之事。曹氏与夏侯氏世代通婚，而夏侯敦、夏侯渊和曹仁、曹洪、曹休、曹真等是曹魏开国元勋，他们死后，曹爽与夏侯玄陆续被杀，大权归于司马氏，所以陈寿将夏侯氏与曹氏合传，让后人看到曹魏兴衰的缘由，这是陈寿写史书定下的史学法规。洪亮吉猜测陈寿大概是因为当时世传曹操是夏侯氏的子孙，所以在评论中特别注明夏侯氏和曹氏世代通婚，以表明此说的错误，洪亮吉还认为将《曹瞒传》和《世语》当做信史的人都是不善于读史书的。刘咸炘认为即便曹嵩是夏侯氏的子孙，他的后裔也未必不能与夏侯氏通婚，因为两家已经是不同族了，陈矫就是如此。如果曹嵩为夏侯氏的子孙不是丑事，没必要避讳，曹嵩是宦官养子人所共知，曹氏家族也没对此事避讳，不避讳养子而避讳出自夏侯氏是不近人情的，所以此说不足信。刘咸炘认为恽敬所给出的曹氏、夏侯氏合传的解释合理，陈寿评论中曹氏合夏侯氏世代通婚就是他这样立传的理由，洪亮吉所说陈寿意在辨明流言的是非反而曲解了陈寿的意思。李景星认为「莫能审其生出本末」是陈寿揭露曹操家世的丑闻。

吴金华总结各家观点，指出陈寿「莫能审其生出本末」是一种曲笔，他还提出曹嵩为夏侯氏的三个证据：

• 《三国志注·吴主传》中引《魏略》记载了孙权写给浩周的书信，当中有「今子当入侍，而未有妃耦，昔君念之，以为可上连缀宗室若夏侯氏」，此时孙权向曹魏称臣，魏臣浩周以为孙权之子可以如同夏侯氏一样和曹魏宗室连结在一起，这已证明曹嵩出自夏侯氏并非敌对方的传闻。

• 《三国志·文帝纪》记载夏侯敦去世的时候，裴松之引用《魏书》「王素服幸邺东城门发哀」，又引孙盛的评价「在礼，天子哭同姓于宗庙门之外。哭于城门，失其所也。」孙盛是东晋时人，以「良史」著称，他的这项评价以曹丕和夏侯敦为同姓，证明曹嵩出自夏侯氏这一点在孙盛时代仍为人所共知。

• 1974年至1979年安徽亳县城南出土了曹氏墓砖，刻辞有「夏侯右」。

对于夏侯氏和曹氏世代通婚之事，周寿昌指出陈矫原为刘氏子孙，后成为舅舅家养子改姓陈，又娶了刘颂的女儿，刘颂与陈矫是近亲，曹操因爱惜陈矫的才华，为他周全，特别下令禁止诽谤此事。周寿昌认为曹操禁止人们议论同姓通婚，也是为自己的私事提供方便。吴金华也提出曹魏时期同姓通婚毫不奇怪，甚至有同母兄妹结为夫妇的情况，如《三国志注·曹爽传》引《魏末传》记载曹操义子何晏就娶了同母妹妹金乡公主。吴金华指出只要知道这一点，就会对曹嵩出自夏侯氏没有任何疑问。此后朱子彦和韩升仍旧以《曹瞒传》和《世语》不可信，夏侯楙、夏侯衡、夏侯尚娶曹氏女来论证曹操不是夏侯氏的后裔。

身后墓地

2009年在河南安阳出土被认为是曹操墓的遗迹。出土的骨骼身高只有1.55米左右，符合史书中形容曹操身材短小的描述。复旦大学研究者随即对于曹操宗谱展开研究，同时科研人员对出土遗骨进行DNA复原。

藉由对现代曹姓人群进行DNA分析，同时配合史籍、方志、家谱等历史资料多重印证，进而找出了6支曹氏族群是最有可能的曹操后代。曹操Y染色体类型为O2-m268。汉代丞相曹参的家族基因O3-002611+，与曹操的家族基因没有关系，从而证明曹操是曹参后人的说法可能是伪造。对有关曹姓是曹操后代避祸改姓而来以及曹操是从夏侯氏抱养的说法，经过基因验证都不可信。然而，他们也没有很可靠的夏侯氏基因资料来提供依据。辽宁东港大孤山、铁岭腰堡两支曹姓的Y染色体根据测得结果推测属曹操后裔。。

复旦大学经过研究发现，持有家谱及一定历史可信性自称是曹操后人的家族中存在一种极为罕见的染色体类型，而对比曹鼎的古DNA测试，发现与其相符。证明曹操来自家族内部过继，而非曹参及夏侯氏的后人。

2016至2017年度考古出现重大发现，曹操墓室内发现3具遗骸，其中60岁左右男性遗骸较完整，专家鉴定后确定为曹操。

庙庭

《明帝纪》和《三少帝纪》记载了诏祭祀的文臣武将。

魏明帝曹睿

• 一，「青龙元年夏五月壬申，诏祀故大将军夏侯敦、大司马曹仁、车骑将军程昱于太祖庙庭。 」

齐王曹芳

• 二，「正始四年秋七月，诏祀故大司马曹真、曹休、征南大将军夏侯尚、太常桓阶、司空陈群、太傅锺繇、车骑将军张合、左将军徐晃、前将军张辽、右将军乐进、太尉华歆、司徒王朗、骠骑将军曹洪、征西将军夏侯渊、后将军朱灵、文聘、执金吾臧霸、破虏将军李典、立义将军庞德、武猛校尉典韦于太祖庙庭。」

• 三，「正始五年冬十一月癸卯，诏祀故尚书令荀攸于太祖庙庭。 」

• 四，「嘉平三年十一月，有司奏诸功臣应飨食于太祖庙者，更以官为次，太傅司马宣王功高爵尊，最在上。」

魏元帝曹奂

• 五，「景元三年冬，诏祀故军祭酒郭嘉于太祖庙庭。 」

评价

时人评价

• 桥玄：「今天下将乱，安生民者，其在君乎！」

• 许劭：「君清平之奸贼，乱世之英雄。」

• 何顒：「汉室将亡，安天下者，必此人也！」

• 王俊：「有治世之具」、「如卿之言，济天下者，舍卿复谁？」

• 陈宫：「今天下分裂而州无主；曹东郡（曹操），命世之才也，若迎以牧州，必宁生民。」

• 袁绍：「曹操当死数矣，我辄救存之，今乃背恩，挟天子以令我乎！」

• 袁术欲称帝时曾推辞：「曹公尚在，未可也。」

• 刘表：「今天下大乱，未知所定，曹公拥天子都许，君为我观其衅。」

• 吕布：「明公（曹操）所患不过于布，今已服矣，天下不足忧。明公将步，令布将骑，则天下不足定也。」（《三国志·魏书·吕布臧洪传第七》）

• 于禁：「且公聪明，谮诉何缘！」（《三国志·魏书·张乐于张徐传第十七》）

• 荀彧：「将军（曹操）本以兖州首事，平山东之难，百姓无不归心悦服。」

• 郭嘉：「真吾主也。」「公奉顺以率天下；公纠之以猛而上下知制；公外易简而内机明，用人无疑，为才所宜，不问远近；公策得辄行，应变无穷；公以至心待人，推诚而行，不为虚美，以检率下，与有功者无所吝，士之忠正远见而有实者皆愿为用；公于目前小事，时有所忽，至于大事，与四海接，恩之所加，皆过其望，虽所不见，虑之所周，无不济也；公御下以道，浸润不行；公所是进之以礼，所不是正之以法；公以少克众，用兵如神，军人恃之，敌人畏之。」

• 董昭：「将军（曹操）兴义兵以诛暴乱，入朝天子，辅翼王室，此五伯之功也。」

• 田丰：「曹公善用兵，变化无方，众虽少，未可轻也，不如以久持之。将军据山河之固，拥四州之众，外结英雄，内修农战，然后简其精锐，分为奇兵，乘虚迭出，以扰河南，救右则击其左，救左则击其右，使敌疲于奔命，民不得安业；我未劳而彼已困，不及二年，可坐克也。今释庙胜之策，而决成败于一战，若不如志，悔无及也。」

• 刘备：「今指与吾为水火者，曹操也，操以急，吾以宽；操以暴，吾以仁；操以谲，吾以忠；每与操反，事乃可成耳。今以小故而失信义于天下者，吾所不取也。」「惟独曹操，久未枭除，侵擅国权，恣心极乱。」（《三国志·蜀书·先主传第二》）

• 关羽：「吾极知曹公待我厚，然吾受刘将军厚恩，誓以共死，不可背之。吾终不留，吾要当立效以报曹公乃去。」（《三国志·蜀书·关张马黄赵传第六》）

• 孙权：「老贼欲废汉自立久矣，陡忌二袁、吕布、刘表与孤耳。今数雄已灭，惟孤尚存，孤与老贼，势不两立。」（《三国志·吴书·周瑜鲁肃吕蒙传第九》）「其惟杀伐小为过差，离间人骨肉以为酷耳，御将自古少有。」

• 周瑜：「操虽托名汉相，其实汉贼也。」（《三国志·吴书·周瑜鲁肃吕蒙传第九》）

• 鲁肃：「今之曹操，犹昔项羽，将军何由得为桓文乎？肃窃料之，汉室不可复兴，曹操不可卒除。为将军计，惟有鼎足江东，以观天下之衅。」「彼曹公者，实严敌也」（裴松之注引《魏书》及《九州春秋》）「曹公威力实重」（裴松之注引《汉晋春秋》）（《三国志·吴书·周瑜鲁肃吕蒙传第九》）

• 陆逊：「斯三虏者（曹操、刘备、关羽）当世雄杰，皆摧其锋。」（《三国志·吴书·陆逊传第十三》）

• 韩嵩：「豪杰并争，两雄相持，天下之重，在于将军。将军若欲有为，起乘其弊可也；若不然，固将择所从。将军拥十万之众，安坐而观望。夫见贤而不能助，请和而不得，此两怨必集于将军，将军不得中立矣。夫以曹公之明哲，天下贤俊皆归之，其势必举袁绍，然后称兵以向江汉，恐将军不能御也。故为将军计者，不若举州以附曹公，曹公必重德将军；长享福祚，垂之后嗣，此万全之策也。」

• 诸葛亮：「曹操智计，殊绝于人，其用兵也，仿佛孙、吴。」「曹操五攻昌霸不下，四越巢湖不成，任用李服而李服图之，委夏侯而夏侯败亡，先帝每称操为能，犹有此失」（《三国志·蜀书·诸葛亮传第五》）

• 王沈：「太祖御军三十馀年，手不舍书。书则讲武策，夜则思经传。登高必赋，及造新诗，被之管弦，皆成乐章。」（《魏书》）

• 陈琳为袁绍所作檄文：「历观古今书籍所载，贪残虐烈无道之臣，于操为甚。」

• 李瓒：「时将乱矣，天下英雄无过曹操。」

• 鲍信：「夫略不世出，能总英雄以拨乱反正者，君也。」

• 凉茂：「曹公忧国家之危败，愍百姓之苦毒，率义兵为天下诛残贼，功高而德广，可谓无二矣。」

后人评价

• 陈寿：「汉末，天下大乱，雄豪并起，而袁绍虎踞四州，强盛莫敌。太祖武皇帝运筹演谋，鞭挞宇内，揽申不害、商鞅之法术，该白起、韩信之奇策，官方授材，各因其器，矫情任算，不念旧恶，终能总御皇机，克成洪业者，惟其明略最优也。抑可谓非常之人，超世之杰矣。」（《三国志·魏书·武帝纪》）

• 陈寿：「初，太祖性忌，有所不堪者，鲁国孔融、南阳许攸、娄圭，皆以恃旧不虔见诛。而琰最为世所痛惜，至今冤之。」

• 崔鸿《前凉录》曰：「张茂谓马岌曰：『刘曜自古可谁等辈也？』」岌谓曰：『曹孟德之流。』茂默然。岌曰：『孟德公族也，刘曜戎狄，难易不同。曜殆过之。』茂曰：『曜可方吕布、关羽，而云孟德不及，岂不过哉？』岌曰：「孟德挟天子，令诸侯，仗大义，讨不庭；曜一卒胡人，用乌合之众，而能建威成大逆，天下莫之当，其不优欤！』茂曰：『天生胡以灭中国，殆不可以人事论也。』」

• 孙楚：「太祖承运，神武应期，征讨暴乱，克宁区夏；协建灵符，天命既集，遂廓弘基，奄有魏域。」

• 裴松之：「魏太祖虽机变无方，略不世出，安有以数千之兵，而得逾时相抗者哉？」

• 陆机：「曹氏虽功济诸华，虐亦深矣，其民怨矣。」（《辨亡论》）

• 潘安：「魏武赫以霆震，奉义辞以伐叛，彼虽众其焉用，故制胜于庙算。」

• 刘渊：「大丈夫当为汉高、魏武，呼韩邪何足效哉！」

• 梅陶赞陶侃像曹操「机神明鉴」

• 王导：「昔魏武，达政之主也；荀文若，功臣之最也。」

• 垣荣祖：「昔曹操、曹丕上马横槊，下马谈论，此于天下可不负饮矣！」

• 钟嵘：「曹公古直，甚有悲凉之句。」

• 张辅：「武帝为张绣所困，挺身逃遁，以丧二子也；然其忌克，安忍无亲：董公仁贾文和，恒以佯愚自免；荀文若杨德祖之徒；多见贼害；行兵三十馀年，无不亲征；功臣谋士，曾无列土之封；仁爱不加亲戚；惠泽不流百姓。」（《艺文类聚卷二十二》）

• 张悌：「曹操虽功盖中夏，威震四海；崇诈权术，征伐无已！民畏其威而不怀其德也。」

• 张鼎：「君不见汉家失统三灵变，魏武争雄六龙战。荡海吞江制中国，回天运斗应南面。隐隐都城紫陌开，迢迢分野黄星见。流年不驻漳河水，明月俄终邺国宴。文章犹入管弦新，帷座空销狐兔尘。可惜望陵歌舞处，松风四面暮愁人。」

• 张说：「君不见魏武草创争天禄，群雄睚眦相驰逐。昼携壮士破坚阵，夜接词人赋华屋。都邑缭绕西山阳，桑榆汗漫漳河曲。城郭为墟人代改，但有西园明月在。邺傍高冢多贵臣，娥眉曼睩共灰尘。试上铜台歌舞处，唯有秋风愁杀人。」

• 王勃：「魏武用兵，仿佛孙吴。临敌制奇，鲜有丧败，故能东禽狡布，北走强袁，破黄巾于寿张，斩眭固于射犬。援戈北指，蹋顿悬颅；拥旆南临，刘琮束手。振威烈而清中夏，挟天子以令诸侯，信超然之雄杰矣。」

• 魏元忠：「魏武之纲神冠绝，犹依法孙、吴，假有项籍之气，袁绍之基，而皆泯智任情，终以破灭，何况复出其下哉！」

• 朱敬则：「观曹公明锐权略，神变不穷，兵折而意不衰，在危而听不惑，临事决机，举无遗悔，近古以来，未之有也。」；「昔魏太祖兵锋无敌，神机独行，大战五十六，九州静七八，百姓与能，天下慕德，犹且翼戴弱主，尊奖汉室。」

• 赵蕤：「运筹演谋，鞭挞宇内，北破袁绍，南虏刘琮，东举公孙康，西夷张鲁，九州百郡，十并其八，志绩未究，中世而殒。」

• 穆修：「惟帝之雄，使天济其勇尚延数年之位，岂强吴、庸蜀之不平！」

• 石勒：「大丈夫行事，当磊磊落落，如日月皎然，终不能如曹孟德、司马仲达父子，欺他孤儿寡妇，狐媚以取天下也。」（《晋书·载记第五·石勒下》）

• 崔浩：「刘裕平逆乱，司马德宗之曹操也。」（《资治通鉴·卷一百一十八·晋纪四十》）

• 习凿齿：「昔齐桓公一矜其功而叛者九国，曹操暂自骄伐而天下三分，皆勤之于数十年之内而弃之于俯仰之顷，岂不惜乎！是以君子劳谦日昃，虑以下人，功高而居之以上，势尊而守之以卑。情近于物，故虽贵而人不厌其重；德洽群生，故业广而天下愈欣其庆。夫然，故能有其富贵，保其功业，隆显当时，传福百世，何骄矜之有哉！君子是以知曹操之不能遂兼天下者也。」（《汉晋春秋》）

• 李世民对曹操用兵才能评价：「临危制变，料敌设奇，一将之智有馀，万乘之才不足。」（《资治通鉴/卷197》）「帝以雄武之姿，当艰难之运，栋梁之任，同乎曩时，匡正之功，异于往代。观沈溺而不拯，视颠覆而不持，乖徇国之情，有无君之迹。既而三分肇庆，黄星之应久彰；卜主启期，真人之运斯属。其天意也，岂人事乎！」（《全唐文·卷十·祭魏太祖文》），又对曹操品德评价：「朕常以魏武帝多诡诈，深鄙其为人。」（《贞观政要》）

• 虞世南：「曹公兵机智算，殆难与敌，故能肇迹开基，居中作相，实有英雄之才矣。然谲诡不常，雄猜多忌，至于杀伏后，鸩荀或，诛孔融，戮崔琰，娄生毙于一言，桓邵劳于下拜，弃德任刑，其虐已甚，坐论西伯，实非其人。许劭所谓『治世之能臣，乱世之奸雄』，斯言为当。」（《长短经》卷二）

• 刘知几：「贼杀母后，幽迫主上，罪百田常，祸千王莽。」（《史通•探赜篇》）

• 元稹：「刘虞不敢作天子，曹瞒篡乱从此始」（《董逃行》）

• 苏洵：「项籍有取天下之才，而无取天下之虑；曹操有取天下之虑，而无取天下之量；玄德有取天下之量，而无取天下之才。」

• 苏轼：「世之称人豪者，才气各有高卑，然皆以临难不惧，谈笑就死为雄。操以病亡，子孙满前，而咿婴涕泣，留连妾妇，分香卖履，区处衣物，平生奸伪，死见真性。世以成败论人物，故操得在英雄之列。而公见谓才疏意广，岂不悲哉！操平生畏刘备，而备以公知天下有己为喜，天若胙汉，公使备，备诛操无难也。」（《孔北海赞》）

• 王安石：「青山为浪入漳州，铜雀台西八九丘。蝼蚁往还空垄亩，麒麟埋没几春秋。功名盖世知谁是，气力回天到此休。何必地中馀故物，魏公诸子分衣裘。」

• 司马光：「知人善任，难眩以伪。识拔奇才，不拘微贱；随能任使，皆获其用。与敌对阵，意思安闲，如不欲战然；及至决机乘胜，气势盈溢。勋劳宜赏，不吝千金；无功望施，分毫不与。用法峻急，有犯必戮，或对之流涕，然终无所赦。雅性节俭，不好华丽。故能芟刈群雄，几平海内。」（《资治通鉴》）

• 何去非：「曹公逡巡独以其智起而应之，奋盈万之旅，北摧袁绍而定燕、冀；合三县之众，东擒吕布而收济衮；蹙袁术于淮左，旁徨无归，遂以奔死。而曹公智画之出，常若有馀，而不少困。彼之所谓势与勇者，一旦溃败，皆不胜支。然后天下始服曹公之为无敌，而以袁、吕为不足恃也。至于彼之任势与力，及夫各挟智勇之不全者，亦皆知曹公之独以智强而未易敌也，故常内惮而共蹙之。」；「言兵无若孙武，用兵无若韩信、曹公。」

• 元好问：「曹刘坐啸虎生风，四海无人角两雄。」（《论诗绝句》）

• 朱熹：「曹操作诗必说周公，如云：『山不厌高，水不厌深；周公吐哺，天下归心！』又，苦寒行云：『悲彼东山诗。』他也是做得个贼起，不惟窃国之柄，和圣人之法也窃了！」（《朱子语类‧论文下》）

• 胡三省：「操盖已弃武都而不有矣。诸氐散居秦川，苻氏乱华自此始。」

• 洪皓：「长笑袁本初，妄意清君侧。垂头返官渡，奇祸怜幕客。曹公走熙尚，气欲陵韩白。欺取计已成，军容漫辉赫。跨漳筑大城，劳民屈群策，北虽破乌丸，南亦困赤壁。八荒思并吞，二国尽勍敌。四陵寄遗恨，讲武存陈迹。雉堞逐尘飞，浊流深莫测。回首铜雀台，鼓吹喧黾蝈。」

• 钟惺：「邺则邺城水漳水，定有异人从此起。雄谋韵事与文心，君臣兄弟而父子。英雄未有俗胸中，出没岂随人眼底？功首罪魁非两人，遗臭流芳本一身。文章有神霸有气，岂能苟尔化为群？横流筑台距太行，气与理势相低昂。安有斯人不作逆，小不为霸大不王？霸王降作儿女鸣，无可奈何中不平。向帐明知非有益，分香未可谓无情。呜呼！古人作事无巨细，寂寞豪华皆有意。书生轻议冢中人，冢中笑尔书生气！」

• 张溥：「孟德瑞应黄星，志窥汉鼎，世遂谓梁沛真人，天下莫敌；究其初，一名孝廉也……孟德奋跳，当涂大振，易汉而魏，虽附会曹参，难洗宗耻……孟德御军三十馀年，手不舍书，兼草书亚崔、张，音乐比桓、蔡，围棋埒王、郭；复好养性，解方药。周公所谓多材多艺，孟德诚有之。使彼不称王谋篡，获与周旋，画讲武策，夜论经传；或登高赋诗，被之管弦。又观其射飞鸟，擒猛兽，殆可终身忘老，乃竟甘心作贼者，谓时不我容耳。汉末名人，文有孔融，武有吕布，孟德实兼其长；此两人不死，杀孟德有馀。《述志》一令，似乎欺人，未尝不抽序心腹，慨当以慷也。」（《汉魏六朝百三家集·魏武帝集题辞》）

• 罗贯中：「雄哉魏太祖，天下扫狼烟。动静皆存智，高低善用贤。长驱百万众，亲注《十三篇》。豪杰同时起，谁人敢赠鞭？」（《三国志通俗演义》）

• 蔡东藩：「曹操为乱世奸雄，乘机逐鹿，智略过人。袁绍袁术诸徒，皆不足与操比，遑论一张绣乎？乃宛城既下，遽为一孀妇所迷，流连忘返，几至身死绣手，坐隳前功。董卓之死也，衅由妇人﹔操之不死于妇人之手，盖亦仅耳！（《后汉演义》）

• 陈祚明：「孟德天分甚高，因缘所至，成此功业。」

• 黄摩西：「魏武雄才大略，草创英雄中，亦当占上座；虽好用权谋，然从古英雄，岂有全不用权谋而成事者？」

• 鲁迅：「曹操是一个很有本事的人，至少是一个英雄。我虽不是曹操一党，但无论如何，总是非常佩服他。」

• 毛泽东：「曹操是了不起的政治家、军事家，也是个了不起的诗人…曹操统一中国北方，创立魏国。他改革了东汉的许多恶政，抑制豪强，发展生产，实行屯田制，还督促开荒，推行法治，提倡节俭，使遭受大破坏的社会开始稳定、恢复、发展。」；「大雨落幽燕，白浪滔天，秦皇岛外打鱼船。一片汪洋都不见，知向谁边？往事越千年，魏武挥鞭，东临碣石有遗篇。萧瑟秋风今又是，换了人间。」（《浪淘沙·北戴河》）

• 范文澜：「他是拨乱世的英雄，所以表现在文学上，悲凉慷慨，气魄雄豪。」

• 费正清、崔瑞德：「给予汉王朝的致命一击却留给了中国历史上最引人注目的人物之一的曹操。曹操出身微贱，是大诗人、大战略家，也是现实主义的政治思想家；他反对儒家的礼仪和道德束缚。」（《剑桥中国秦汉史》）

• 申靖夏：「魏武得荆州，与荀彧书曰，不喜得荆州，喜得蒯异度耳。异度卽越字也，越盖通后也，魏武之能急士如此。其得志天下宜哉。」，「沮授，田丰之智谋，不在荀彧，郭嘉下。使绍而能用其言，魏武未必得志于天下，然绍不徒不能用，又从而杀之，一似项羽之于范增。二人者盖亦有昧择木之罪焉。东坡论范增，陋其欲依羽成功，吾于授，丰亦云。」，「魏武之欲易储也，毛玠谏曰，近者袁绍以嫡庶不分，覆宗灭国。其问贾诩也，诩不答。魏武曰，有问而不答何也。诩曰，适有所思耳。魏武曰，何思也。诩曰，思袁本初，刘景升父子耳。盖玠则正谏，而诩则以讽也。当玠之有言也，魏武虽曰吾之周昌。而其意犹未已。及闻诩之对，则笑而遂无易太子之志。此则讽谏之易入而正谏之难入也。其后玠坐微事，终身废放，而诩则厚遇加昔，此则正与讽之利害也。」（《恕菴集·卷16·杂记·评史》）

• 余秋雨：「曹植固然构筑了一个美艳的精神别苑，而曹操的诗，则是礁石上的铜铸铁浇。」

家庭成员

祖父辈

• 曹腾（100年－159年），东汉宦官，为小黄门，迁至中常侍。桓帝即位，曹腾封费亭侯，迁大长秋，加位特进。曹操的父亲曹嵩是他的养子。

• 曹褒，颍川太守，曹仁祖父。

父辈

• 曹嵩（？－193年），曹操的父亲，宦官中常侍、大长秋曹腾的养子，出钱一亿万买官至太尉。曹操起兵后，避世于徐州，后来因曹操曾数击陶谦，陶谦使轻骑杀曹嵩、曹德于郡界。也有说法认为他们是被陶谦手下张闓贪财杀害。曹丕称帝后，追尊曹嵩为太皇帝。

• 曹炽，侍中、长水校尉。曹褒之子，曹仁、曹纯之父。

• 曹鼎，尚书令、河间相、吴郡太守 。曹洪伯父，曹休祖父。

弟

• 曹德（？－193年），太尉曹嵩之子。曹操之弟。曹操起兵后，避世于徐州，曹操曾数击陶谦，陶谦使轻骑杀曹嵩、曹德于郡界。

• 海阳哀侯，曹操弟，名不详。其女嫁夏侯渊之子夏侯衡。

• 曹彬，曹操弟。是曹操之子曹均的养父。

• 曹操弟，名不详，其子曹安民。

• 曹操弟，名不详，其女嫁孙坚之子孙匡。

堂兄弟

• 夏侯敦（？－220年）：字元让，初为奋武将军司马，建安十二年（207年）封邑2500户。官至大将军，封高安乡侯。死后谥为忠侯，其七子二孙皆为关内侯。青龙元年（233年）入太祖庙庭，配享祭祀。其子夏侯楙娶曹操之女清河公主。

• 夏侯渊（？－219年）：字妙才，敦之族弟，其妻为曹操原配夫人丁氏之妹，有记载的活动期间为189年-219年。初为别部司马、骑都尉。建安廿一年（216年）封邑800户。官至征西将军，封博昌亭侯。建安廿四年（219年）死于与刘备、黄忠的争夺汉中的战役，死后谥为愍侯。正始四年（243年）在太祖庙庭，享祭祀。其子夏侯衡娶曹操弟海阳哀侯之女。

• 曹仁（168－223年）：字子孝，太祖从弟，祖父曹褒曾任颖川太守，父亲曹炽曾任侍中、长水校尉。初为别部司马，行厉锋校尉权。建安廿五年（220年）封邑3500户，封陈侯。文帝年间官至大将军。死后谥为忠侯。青龙元年（233年）入太祖庙庭，配享祭祀。

• 曹纯（170－210年）：字子和，曹仁之弟，初为议郎，后统领虎豹骑。约建安十二年（207年）封邑300户，封高陵亭侯，死后谥为威侯。

• 曹洪（？－232年）：字子廉，太祖从弟，伯父曹鼎曾为尚书令。初为鹰扬校尉。黄初年间，封邑2100户。官至骠骑将军，封乐城侯。死后谥为恭侯。正始四年（243年）在太祖庙庭，享祭祀。

妻妾

曹操正妻及侧室，据《魏志·后妃传》及《武文世王公传》，可考者有15位：

• 丁夫人，曹操的原配正室夫人，因曹昂之死而与曹操反目，曹操曾欲迎回而不可得。

• 武宣皇后，即卞氏，丁夫人被废后才扶正，生有曹丕、曹彰、曹植、曹熊四子。

• 刘夫人，曹操之妾，早年病亡，生有曹昂、曹铄两子，女儿清河公主。

• 环夫人，曹操之妾，生有三个儿子曹冲、曹据、曹宇。

• 杜夫人，曹操之妾。和前夫秦宜禄生有儿子秦朗。和曹操生有儿子曹林、曹衮，女儿金乡公主。

• 秦夫人，曹操之妾，生有曹玹、曹峻二子。

• 尹夫人，曹操之妾。和前夫何咸生有儿子何晏，和曹操生有曹矩一子。

• 王昭仪，曹操之妾，曹干生母早卒，曹操命其抚养。

• 孙姬，曹操之妾，生有曹上、曹彪、曹勤三子。

• 李姬，曹操之妾，生有曹乘、曹整、曹京三子。

• 周姬，曹操之妾，生有曹均一子。

• 刘姬，曹操之妾，生有曹棘一子。

• 宋姬，曹操之妾，生有曹徽一子。

• 赵姬，曹操之妾，生有曹茂一子。

• 陈妾，曹操之妾，生有曹干一子。

• 张济妻，张绣族叔之妻，曹操纳为妾室后，引张绣所恨。

其他

• 来莺儿，野史记载，东汉雒阳之名妓，后爱上曹操的侍卫王图。

儿子

据《魏志·文帝纪》、《任城陈萧王传》、《武文世王公传》，曹操的儿子有25位，因列传顺序是按母亲地位而非长幼，故总体次序不可考，仅知同一母下的排序：

• 曹昂（？ - 197年），刘夫人长子，曹操庶长子，但是由曹操原配丁氏抚养长大，年轻时曾举孝廉。因张绣反叛而死于战乱之中。被二弟曹丕追尊为丰悼公，后又追加尊为丰悼王。

• 曹丕（187年 - 226年），卞皇后长子，220年称帝为魏文帝。

• 曹彰（189年 - 223年），卞皇后次子，绰号「黄须儿」，为一勇将，曾经大破代郡乌桓，223年封任城王。

• 曹植（192年 - 232年），卞皇后三子，擅长文学，曾作《洛神赋》。虽然得到曹操宠爱，但是与其兄曹丕争位失败，从此在政治上无从施展抱负，223年封雍丘王，232年封陈王。

• 曹熊（？ - ？），卞皇后四子，早薨。

• 曹铄（？ - ？），刘夫人次子，早薨。侄魏明帝曹睿后追封其为殇王。有子曹潜及孙曹偃，曹偃死后绝子嗣。

• 曹冲（196年 - 208年），环夫人长子，为著名神童，13岁时便夭折而亡。

• 曹据（？ - ？），环夫人次子，太和六年（232年）封为彭城王。

• 曹宇（？ - 278年），环夫人三子，太和六年（232年）封为燕王，魏元帝曹奂之父。

• 曹林（？ - 256年），杜夫人长子，太和六年（232年）封为沛王。

• 曹衮（？ - 235年），杜夫人次子，太和六年（232年）封为中山王。临终病重时魏明帝曹睿对其爱护备至，死后又获厚葬。

• 曹玹（？ - ？），秦夫人长子，建安十六年（211年）封为西乡侯。

• 曹峻（？ - 259年），秦夫人次子太和六年（232年）封为陈留王。

• 曹矩（？ - ？），尹夫人独子，早薨。

• 曹干（214年 - 261年），生母陈氏去世，由王夫人抚养，太和六年（232年）封为赵王。

• 曹上（？ - ？），孙姬长子，早薨。

• 曹彪（195年 - 251年），孙姬次子，太和六年（232年）封为楚王。嘉平三年（251年）与太尉王凌谋反事泄，被赐死。

• 曹勤（？ - ？），孙姬三子，早薨。

• 曹乘（？ - ？），李姬长子，早薨。

• 曹整（？ - 218年），李姬次子，建安廿二年（217年）封为郿侯。

• 曹京（？ - ？），李姬三子，早薨。

• 曹均（？ - 219年），周姬独子，建安廿二年（217年）封为樊侯。

• 曹棘（？ - ？），刘姬独子，早薨。

• 曹徽（？ - 241年），宋姬独子，太和六年（232年）封为东平王。

• 曹茂（？ - ？），赵姬独子，与曹操及曹丕不和，太和六年（232年）封为曲阳王。

女儿

曹操的女儿，可考证者6位，及其相关史书：

• 曹宪（？ - ？），汉献帝贵人。（《后汉书·皇后纪下》）

• 曹节（？ - 260年），汉献帝皇后。（《后汉书·皇后纪下》、《后汉书·孝献帝纪》）

• 曹华（？ - ？），汉献帝贵人。（《后汉书·皇后纪下》）

• 安阳公主（？ - ？），名不详，为荀恽之妻。（《魏志·荀彧传》）。她的儿子荀霬娶晋武帝姑母南阳公主。

• 金乡公主（？ - ？），名不详，尹夫人或杜夫人之女，何晏之妻。（《魏志·曹真传》引《魏末传》）

• 清河公主（？ - ？），名不详，夏侯楙之妻。（《魏志·夏侯敦传》引《魏略》）

另《昭明文选》陆机《吊魏武文》李善注引《魏略》曰：太祖杜夫人生沛王豹及高城公主。未知高城公主与金乡公主是否一人。

侄辈

• 曹安民，曹操之侄，因为张绣反叛而死于战乱之中。

• 曹休（？－228年）：字文烈，太祖族子，其祖父曾为吴郡太守。十馀岁时，父死，独与一家仆携母亲渡江至吴。曹操起兵，变更姓名，辗转荆州，以投奔曹操。初为虎豹骑宿卫。黄初七年（226年）封邑2500户。官至大司马，封长平侯。死后谥为壮侯。正始四年（243年）在太祖庙庭，享祭祀。

• 曹氏，曹操弟海阳哀侯（名不详）女，嫁夏侯衡。

• 曹氏，曹操侄女，嫁孙匡。

养子

曹操的养子，可考证者3位：

• 曹真（？－231年）：字子丹，太祖养子，其父曹邵为曹操招兵被人所杀。《魏略》中说其本姓秦，其父为掩护曹操，为追兵所杀，曹操收养真，改其姓为曹。初讲虎豹骑。太和三年（229年）封邑2900户。官至大司马，封邵陵侯。死后谥号为元侯。子曹爽

• 秦朗（？－？），曹操养子，曹睿的近臣。生父秦宜禄为张飞所杀。母为曹操之妾杜夫人。

• 何晏（?－249年），大将军何进孙，曹操的养子、女婿，三国时期玄学家。父何咸早亡，母为曹操之妾尹夫人。

后裔

• 曹霸：高贵乡公曹髦后人，唐玄宗时期画家，能文善画，官至左武卫将军，杜甫作有《丹青引》及《观曹将军画马图》二诗，表达对其画艺的赞叹。

• 曹雪芹：清朝小说家，中国四大名著《红楼梦》的作者。

民间艺术

三国演义

《三国演义》是中国历史小说中出类拔萃的长篇巨著。此作塑造了众多形象鲜明且生动的人物，其中曹操是《三国演义》中塑造得最为成功的人物之一，他的性格既丰富又矛盾。他既是智谋机警，志大才高的英雄；同时又是一奸诈狡猾，嗜血残忍之奸雄。曹操因而被评为「古今奸雄中的第一奇人」。罗贯中对曹操这一矛盾形象的雕塑非常深刻，摆脱了早期小说中人物形象性格单一化、平面化的缺陷。毛宗岗称其为「三绝」之「奸绝」。

熟语

• 望梅止渴，出自刘义庆笔记小说《世说新语·假谲》

• 说曹操，曹操到

戏剧

京剧里的曹操是以白脸的形象来表示他奸诈狡猾、诡计多端的反面人物，与黑脸包公或红脸关公相对。

漫画

日本漫画家王欣太漫画作品《苍天航路》以曹操为主角。另外，在《火凤燎原》（陈某）、《超三国志霸》（池上辽一）、《天地吞食》（本宫宏志）、《龙狼传》（山原义人）、《曹操孟德正传》（大西巷一）等，曹操也都作为一名主要角色出场。

游戏

• 真·三国无双系列

• 三国志

• 王者荣耀

• 三国群英传系列

• 幻想三国志II

• 神魔之塔

• 三国杀

• 万国觉醒

• 朕的江山（普通，SP和特殊）

动画

• 三国志

• 三国演义

• 横山光辉三国志

• 苍天航路

电影

电视剧

注释