創造背景

中國很早就出現了專門用于啟蒙的識字課本，秦代出現的有《倉頡篇》、《爰歷篇》，漢代則有司馬相如的《凡將篇》、賈魴的《滂喜篇》、蔡邕的《勸學篇》、史游的《急就章》，三國時代有《埤蒼》、《廣蒼》、《始學篇》等，這些作品中只有《急就章》對後世產生了影響，其餘影響不大，《急就章》雖然是《蒼頡篇》之後較突出的小學之書，但由于流傳中出現了種種問題，其權威性到南北朝時已大不如前，而這一時期出現的一些啟蒙讀物如《庭誥》、《詁幼》之類，可讀性有限。就是在這樣的背景下，《千字文》問世了。

三國時期的書法家鍾繇曾寫過一篇《千字文》，但毀於西晉的動亂之中。王羲之又重新編綴過一篇，但文理音韻皆不佳。李倬《尚書故實》記載梁武帝為教育子侄，命大臣殷鐵石模次王羲之書碣碑石的字跡，又要求拓出互不重複的一千個字，以賜八王。殷鐵石拓出後，此千餘字互不聯屬，梁武帝又命令周興嗣將這一千字編成有意義的句子，「卿有才思，為我韻之。」周興嗣竟一夜編成。

構成

《千字文》由「天地玄黃」到「焉哉乎也」，總共250個隔句押韻的四字短句構成，內容包含天文、地理、政治、經濟、社會、歷史、倫理，整篇文章一字都不重複。清人汪嘯尹、孫謙益認為《千字文》分為四個部分：第一部分從宇宙的誕生、開天闢地開始講起，講到日月星辰、氣象物候、地球上的自然資源，一直講到人類出現以後，中國太古和上古時期的歷史，最後以人類社會的出現和王道政治作為結尾；第二部分重在講述人的修養標準和原則；第三部分講述與王朝統治有關的問題，敘述上層社會的豪華生活和他們的文治武功。最後描述了國家疆域的廣闊和風景的秀美；第四部分主要描繪恬淡的民間田園生活，講述君子治家處身之道。

千字文此文分為八段的文（古時不押韻的文不稱文，只能算作「筆」，押韻的才算「文」，故千字文乃是一長文），它的第一段以二十七聯為文，全押「下平」（按廣韻一書，除「聖」此字於韻補內才找到，音成。），此文也分為四段解釋，由「天地玄黃」（二句四字文為一聯）至「鱗潛羽翔」共九聯，玄為黑色中帶紅，所以首句是指大地的產生，第三聯是指日出而作，日入而息，非是收藏食物。春秋時期才確定二十八宿（音秀），以此為本計算產生出古四分曆，所以亦因此計算法，定出了閏年，律召（此非呂，召者公報，調陽解作律例。）菜重芥薑是指「主糧與輔食品」。第十至第十六聯，以訴秦始王事跡，秦定出皇帝制度及三公九卿制度，癈除舜（帝舜姓虞）及堯（堯號陶唐氏）的讓賢為君制度，更想南、北統代稱霸一體。第十七至二十六聯，是述劉邦滅秦後，與功臣斬白馬立盟誓，史稱「白馬之誓」，改以文治武，形成「布衣卿相」政治格局，達至輝煌的時代，此二十六聯以「下平陽字韻及下平唐字韻」二韻，再以二十七下平清字韻為結。此文亦可說是告說皇知的治國之道也。

宋朝侍其瑋（字良器）曾作《續千字文》。明朝徐渭（號青藤老人）曾作《集千字文》。清朝吳省蘭題有《恭慶皇上七旬萬壽千字文》。太平天國亦有《御製千字詔》等，其《千字文》內容不同，但都以《千字文》為名。

千字文的道德觀

千字文讚美五常之德，是以仁義禮智信五常為準則的，提倡「女慕貞潔，男效才良」的品德。德行正大光明，才能成為賢人。將孝道的仁愛之心擴展到兄弟之道、夫妻之道、朋友之道和君臣​​之道。

書法作品

由于《千字文》字字不同，且流傳廣泛，故深受東亞各國書法家的青睞。《宣和書譜》記載，北宋內府收藏智永真跡二十三件，《千字文》便佔十五件之多。

中國書法家智永（隋）、褚遂良（唐）、孫過庭（唐）、張旭（唐）、懷素（唐）、米元章（北宋）、高宗（南宋）、趙子昂（元）、文徵明（明）皆有著名的《千字文》書法作品。敦煌出土文書中也有《千字文》手本習字斷片，可見最遲至7世紀利用《千字文》練習漢字書法已較普及。

日本書法家卷菱湖（江戶）、市河米庵（江戶）、貫名菘翁（江戶）、日下部鳴鶴（明治）、小野鵞堂（明治）的《千字文》書法作品也很有名。

File:ZhiYong1000charcter.jpg|智永《真草千字文》

File:Han Ho-Cheonjamun.jpg|韓濩《千字文》中的「天地玄黃，宇宙洪荒」

File:Classique mille carac.JPG|《十體千字文》

對朝鮮的影響

《千字文》曾作為許多國家的漢字初級讀本。此讀本傳入朝鮮半島的年代已不可考。

這本書與佛教的一起傳入，被認為是漢字應用於朝鮮語言的推動力量。漢字一直是朝鮮唯一的文字，即使世宗大王於15世紀發佈訓民正音，而大多數的朝鮮學者仍然繼續使用漢字至20世紀早期。

《千字文》用於兒童習字教學的歷史始於1583年，即李朝宣祖命令韓濩將其刻成木版印刷之後。

《千字文》裡的從「天」到「水」的44個字逐一記錄在「常平通寶」的背面（朝鮮王朝時代朝鮮的銅錢）。

千字文以其特有的形式展現漢字，對每一個漢字來說，文字既體現其含義（訓），也體現聲音（音）。雖然朝鮮語言歷經演變，辭彙相對應的訓（）在每一個版本裡保持不變。當然同樣成書於16世紀的光州版和韓石峰版《千字文》對個別漢字的解釋有些許不同。韓石峰版與光州版訓的變化大體上體現在以下幾個方面：

• 定義更加寬泛或者每個單獨漢字的語義範圍發生改變

• 先前的定義由同義字取代

• 部分語音發生改變

從這些變化中可以看岀朝鮮固有詞由「漢字語」所取代。但是，某些罕見的辭彙涵義可能是16世紀以前的朝鮮固有詞的化石留存或者受到全羅道方言的影響。

對日本的影響

和邇吉師（王仁）作為傳說中的百濟中國學者，據說在應神天皇（370年-410年）統治時期將《千字文》連同10本《論語》傳播到日本。但是如果當真如此那就是在《千字文》成書之前了。《日本書紀》卻未言王仁自三韓將漢籍東傳扶桑，僅言其太子菟道稚郎子習諸書於王仁而已。應神天皇十五年即公元284年，相當於西晉武帝十九年。這時百濟國尚未成立，百濟建國於公元345年。同時《千字文》作者周興嗣卒於梁普通二年（公元521年）。應神天皇時，不可能有《千字文》傳入日本。有些人認為這僅僅是傳說，其他人則認為這反映一些事實。還有些假定那是另一個版本鍾繇的《千字文》。《千字文》用來習字及練習書法。

千字文編號法

由于《千字文》流傳廣泛，且其文每個字皆不同，故該文廣泛用來對事物進行編號。

比如像明清貢院號舍一般有數千間至上萬間，按千字文編排序號。每間號舍外牆高八尺，門牆高六尺、寬三尺、深四尺，甚為狹窄。每間號舍一人，考試時答卷、吃住均在其中。

明朝收藏家項元汴，所收歷代書畫名蹟不下千餘件，便是以千字文來作為藏品的收藏編號，編號字大多書於畫幅右下角或卷後題識。

清朝彩票白鴿票玩法即以千字文前20句（每句4字，共80個字）當中選出20個字作謎底，讓參賭者下注猜謎底。若參賭者順利猜出全部20字，則可獲得數百倍於賭注的獎金，而獎金根據猜對的程度而定，若只猜對4個字以下則賭注全部歸莊家。

台灣早年將千字文用作國防部兵籍號碼開頭，以區分不同地區，例如：「天」代表北部地區，「地」代表中部地區，「玄」代表南部地區，「黃」代表東部地區，「宇」和「宙」則分別代表台北市和高雄市。而於現今台灣司法體系中，法院、地檢署亦有以千字文來命名股別者，如端股等。

字數

《千字文》實錄一千不重複漢字。

數字中的「三」「六」「七」、方位的「北」、季節的「春」、地理的「山」等常用字未包括其中。

233個字不在日本常用漢字範圍內。

由於中國大陸實行簡化字、歸併異體字，其簡體字版只剩九百九十餘個相異漢字（具體數量因異體字的歸屬而有不同說法）。如下列字為進行合併者：

• 「發」、「髮」併為「发」（周發殷湯；蓋此身髮）

• 「巨」、「鉅」併為「巨」（劍號巨闕；鉅野洞庭）

• 「崑」、「昆」併為「昆」（玉出崑崗；昆池碣石）

• 「慼」、「戚」併為「戚」（慼謝歡招；親戚故舊）

• 「雲」、「云」併為「云」（雲騰致雨；禪主云亭）

• 「并」、「並」併為「并」（百郡秦并；並皆佳妙）

• 「絜」、「潔」併為「洁」（女慕貞絜；紈扇圓潔）

文本

軼事

• 胡適說他從五歲時就唸過「天地玄黃，宇宙洪荒」兩句話，當了十年大學教授以後，還是不理解以上兩句話的意思。

• 王羲之的七世孫，隋代高僧智永和尚，繼承家風在雲門寺練書三十年，書寫真草《千字文》800餘本，分送浙東諸寺。因求書者眾多，以至于住處門檻幾次被踏穿，遂包以鐵皮，人稱「鐵門檻」。其一生用筆無數，廢筆盈積成筐，堆迭成丘，特撰寫銘文，隨同埋入土中，名為「退筆塚」。其所書真草《千字文》，乃王家嫡傳，影響深遠，西安碑林也有刻石。智永在中國書法藝術史上的重大貢獻有二個方面：一為發「永字八法」之旨趣，逐成隋唐學者宗匠；二為臨集《千字文》，開後代書法家書寫《千字文》之風，為《千字文》的流傳起了很大的作用。

• 《梁史》記載：「上以王羲之書千字，使興嗣韻為文。奏之，稱善，加賜金帛。」唐代的《尚書故實》對此事進行了藝術加工，該書說：梁武帝蕭衍一生戎馬倥傯，他很希望自己的後代能在太平時期多讀些書。由于當時尚沒有一本適合的啟蒙讀物，令一位名叫殷鐵石的文學侍從從晉代大書法家王羲之的手跡中拓下一千個各不相干的字，每個字一張紙。然後一字一字地教學，但雜亂難記。梁武帝尋思，若是將這一千字編撰成一篇文章，豈不妙哉。于是，他召來自己最信賴的文學侍從員外散騎侍郎周興嗣，講了自己的想法，說：卿家才思敏捷，為朕將這一千字編撰成一篇通俗易懂的啟蒙讀物。周興嗣接受任務回到家後，他苦思冥想了一整夜，方文思如泉湧，他樂不可支，邊吟邊書，終將這一千字聯串成一篇內涵豐富的四言韻書。梁武帝讀後，拍案叫絕。即令送去刻印，刊之于世。周興嗣因出色地編撰了《千字文》深得梁武帝的讚賞，將他提拔為佐撰國史。周興嗣因一夜成書，用腦過度，次日，已鬢髮皆白。

腳註

History

There are several stories of the work's origin. One says that Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty (r. 502–549) commissioned Zhou Xingsi (周興嗣 Zhōu Xìngsì, 470–521) to compose this poem for his prince to practice calligraphy. Another says that the emperor commanded Wang Xizhi, a noted calligrapher, to write out one thousand characters and give them to Zhou as a challenge to make into an ode. Another story is that the emperor commanded his princes and court officers to compose essays and ordered another minister to copy them on a thousand slips of paper, which became mixed and scrambled. Zhou was given the task of restoring these slips to their original order. He worked so intensely to finish doing so overnight that his hair turned completely white.

The Thousand Character Classic is understood to be one of the most widely read texts in China in the first millennium. The popularity of the book in the Tang dynasty is shown by the fact that there were some 32 copies found in the Dunhuang archaeological excavations. By the Song dynasty, since all literate people could be assumed to have memorized the text, the order of its characters was used to put documents in sequence in the same way that alphabetical order is used in alphabetic languages.

The Buddhist Uyghur Kingdom of Qocho used the thousand character classic and the Qieyun and it was written that "In Qocho city were more than fifty monasteries, all titles of which are granted by the emperors of the Tang dynasty, which keep many Buddhist texts as Tripitaka, Tangyun, Yupuan, Jingyin etc."

In the dynasties following the Song, the Three Character Classic, Hundred Family Surnames, and 1,000 Character Classic came to be known collectively as San Bai Qian (Three, Hundred, Thousand), from the first character in their titles. They were the almost universal introductory literacy texts for students, almost exclusively boys, from elite backgrounds and even for a number of ordinary villagers. Each was available in many versions, printed cheaply, and available to all since they did not become superseded. When a student had memorized all three, he could recognize and pronounce, though not necessarily write or understand the meaning of, roughly 2,000 characters (there was some duplication among the texts). Since Chinese did not use an alphabet, this was an effective, albeit time consuming, way of giving a "crash course" in character recognition before going on to understanding texts and writing characters.

Japan

Wani, a semi-legendary Chinese-Baekje scholar, is said to have translated the Thousand Character Classic to Japanese along with 10 books of the Analects of Confucius during the reign of Emperor Ōjin (r. 370?-410?). However, this alleged event precedes the composition of the Thousand Character Classic. This makes many assume that the event is simply fiction, but some believe it to be based in fact, perhaps using a different version of the Thousand Character Classic.

Korea

The Thousand Character Classic has been used as a primer for learning Chinese characters for many centuries. It is uncertain when the Thousand Character Classic was introduced to Korea.

The book is noted as a principal force—along with the introduction of Buddhism into Korea—behind the introduction of Chinese characters into the Korean language. Hanja was the sole means of writing Korean until the Hangul script was created under the direction of King Sejong the Great in the 15th century; however, even after the invention of Hangul, most Korean scholars continued to write in Hanja until the late 19th century.

The Thousand Character Classic's use as a writing primer for children began in 1583, when King Seonjo ordered Han Ho (1544–1605) to carve the text into wooden printing blocks.

Forty-four legends from ' (heaven) to ' (water) among Thousand Character Classic were inscribed one by one on the reverse of (a Joseon Dynasty Korean coin).

The Thousand Character Classic has its own form in representing the Chinese characters. For each character, the text shows its meaning (Korean Hanja: ; ' or ') and sound (Korean Hanja: ; '). The vocabulary to represent the ' has remained unchanged in every edition, despite the natural evolution of the Korean language since then. However, in the editions Gwangju Thousand Character Classic and Seokbong Thousand Character Classic, both written in the 16th century, there are a number of different meanings expressed for the same character. The types of changes of in Seokbong Thousand Character Classic into those in Gwangju Thousand Character Classic fall roughly under the following categories:

• Definitions turned more generalized or more concrete when semantic scope of each character had been changed

• Former definitions were replaced by synonyms

• Parts of speech in the definitions were changed

From these changes, replacements between native Korean and Sino-Korean can be found. Generally, "rare vocabularies" are presumed to be pre-16th century, for it is thought that they may be a fossilized form of native Korean vocabulary or affected by the influence of a regional dialect in Jeolla Province.

South Korean senior scholar, Daesan Kim Seok-jin (Korean Hangul: ), expressed the significance of Thousand Character Classic by contrasting the Western concrete science and the Asian metaphysics and origin-oriented thinking in which "it is the collected poems of nature of cosmos and reasons behind human life".

The first 44 characters of the Thousand Character Classic were used on the reverse sides of some Sangpyeong Tongbo cash coins of the Korean mun currency to indicate furnace or "series" numbers.

Manchu texts

Several different Manchu texts of the Thousand Character Classic are known today. They all use the Manchu script to transcribe Chinese characters. They are utilized in research on Chinese phonology.

The Man han ciyan dzi wen (滿漢千字文 Mǎn hàn qiān zì wén) written by Chen Qiliang (沈啓亮 Chénqǐliàng), contains Chinese text and Manchu phonetic transcription. This version was published during the reign of the Kangxi Emperor.

Another text, the Qing Shu Qian Zi Wen (清書千字文 Qīngshū qiān zì wén) by You Zhen (尤珍), was published in 1685 as a supplement to the Baiti Qing Wen (百體清文 Bǎi tǐ qīngwén). It provides Manchu transcription without original Chinese. It is known for being referred to by Japanese scholar Ogyū Sorai for Manchu studies as early as the 18th century.

The undated ciyan dzi wen which is owned by the Bibliothèque nationale de France is a variant of the Qing Shu Qian Zi Wen. It is believed to have been used by the translation office of the Joseon Dynasty of Korea. It contains Hangul transcription for both Manchu and Chinese. It is valuable to the study of Manchu phonology.

Text variants

The text of the Qiānzì Wén is not available in an authoritative, standardized version. Comparison of various manuscript, printed and electronic editions shows that these do not all contain exactly the same 1,000 characters. In many cases the differences concern just small graphic variations (for example character no. 4, 黃 or 黄, both huáng "yellow"). In other cases variant characters are quite different, although still associated with the same pronunciation and meaning (for example character no. 123, 一 or 壹, both yì "one"). In a few cases, variant characters represent different pronunciations and meanings (for example character no. 132, 竹 zhú "bamboo" or 樹 shù "tree"). These textual variants are not noted or discussed in any existing edition of the text in a western language. In fact, even the text appended to this article differs from the text presented in Wikisource in 25 places (nos. 123 一/壹, 132 竹/樹, 428 郁/鬱, 438 彩/綵, 479 群/羣, 482 稿/稾, 554 回/迴, 617 岳/嶽, 619 泰/恆, 643 綿/緜, 645 岩/巖/, 693 鑒/鑑, 733 沉/沈/, 767 蚤/早, 776 搖/颻, 787 玩/翫, 803 餐/飡, 846 筍/笋, 849 弦/絃, 852 宴/讌, 854 杯/盃, 881 箋/牋, 953 璿/璇, 980 庄/莊). A critical text edition of the Qiānzì Wén, based upon the best manuscript and printed sources, has not yet been attempted.

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