生平

早年

李陵出生于一個有著深厚軍事傳統的家庭。祖父是漢朝名將，有「飛將軍」之稱的李廣，長期駐守邊郡參與過對匈奴的大小七十多次戰鬥，但卻因各種原因在論功行賞時與封侯失之交臂，畢生引以為恨。叔父李敢在漠北大戰中追隨驃騎將軍霍去病立下功勞，包括李陵本人在內，他的家族中三代都出過為國領兵的將領，可稱得上軍人世家。

李陵的父親李當戶是李廣的長子，擔任著守衛宮廷的郎官，曾因勇武獲得過漢武帝的讚譽，不幸英年早逝，李陵是作為遺腹子出生的。與他的父親一樣，因為家族的關係，李陵從少年時期就在宮廷中出任武官，他被選為侍中建章監，管理著建章宮中的衛隊騎兵。

由于精通騎射、愛護士卒，加上誠實守信、孝順母親，這些美好的品格與素質為他贏得了聲譽。漢武帝認為他有其祖父李廣的遺風，派他帶領八百騎兵越過居延海深入敵境二千餘里察看地形。儘管沒有遇到匈奴，李陵的初次出征卻使他受到信任，武帝隨後將他升為騎都尉，帶領從丹陽郡招募來的楚兵五千人屯駐在酒泉、張掖並訓練弓箭射術。酒泉郡和張掖郡都是當時新設立的郡，原本是匈奴昆邪王、休屠王的領地。元狩二年（前121年），二王歸降漢朝之後成為了無人的荒地，直到元鼎六年（前111年）漢武帝才決定將其納入漢朝的領土範圍，並從內地徵發大量軍隊和移民前往河西一帶。在這裡，李陵度過了數年為國家戍邊的生涯。

太初二年（前104年），漢武帝派遣貳師將軍李廣利進攻大宛，這次遠征持續了數年之久，加上戰線過長補給困難，以至出現補給隊伍從大宛一路相連至敦煌的情形。太初四年（前101年）李陵接命，帶領五校兵作為李廣利之後續部隊出征。然行軍至邊塞時，得知李廣利已得勝回軍。武帝寫信給李陵，讓其留下大部隊，率五百輕騎出敦煌、至鹽水，至塞外接應李廣利的部隊班師。之後繼續留張掖，管理其屯卒。

兵出居延

匈奴在漠北大戰後受到重創，率眾遷徙到更遠的北方以躲避漢朝的追擊，此後「漠南無王庭」漢朝將注意力更多地轉向對南越和西域諸國的征服上。匈奴僅在太初三年（前102）時趁貳師將軍李廣利伐大宛，對河西發起過一次侵擾，漢朝派趙破奴追擊結果全軍覆沒，趙破奴本人被俘。天漢元年（前100年），匈奴呴犁湖單于去世，此距漠北大戰已去十幾年。且鞮侯單于繼位後一變一直以來對漢朝的敵對態度，主動拋出橄欖枝向漢朝求和，並歸還了先前扣押的漢朝使者。為了回應匈奴的善意，漢朝遣李陵的好友中郎將蘇武為使，帶禮物和漢朝扣押的匈奴使者出使匈奴，以示和談的誠意。但因副使擅自與匈奴內部反動分子勾結，製造動亂，事情敗露後，整個漢朝使團遭到扣押。

為了使匈奴釋放扣押的漢使。天漢二年（前99年）秋，以匈奴幹涉漢朝對車師的進攻為導火索，漢武帝下令貳師將軍李廣利率領三萬騎兵自酒泉出征，與援助車師的匈奴右賢王交戰於天山。武帝在未央宮武台召見李陵，想安排他為李廣利運輸輜重。李陵主動請命，表示他在張掖訓練的五千名荊楚勇士，各個武藝高強，身強體健，百發百中，希望能率領他們作為一支獨立隊伍，到闌幹山南吸引單于部隊，不讓他們集中兵力攻擊李廣利的部隊。漢武帝認為李陵是不情願擔任李廣利的裨將，推說軍隊徵發太多，無法給李陵分配騎兵。李陵便向漢武帝保証，不需要騎兵，只需以少敵多，用五千步兵橫掃單于王庭。漢武帝很讚賞李陵這樣的志氣，便准許了他的出兵請求，同時詔令強弩都尉路博德帶兵在途中接應李陵軍。

路博德曾經做過伏波將軍並且立功封侯，後來因為犯法而失去地位，被任命為強弩都尉，論資歷與經驗都在李陵之上。他也不甘于只是給一個晚輩做後援軍，便上奏漢武帝，稱當時是秋天，匈奴馬肥不宜與之交戰，希望能等到春天時再與李陵各領五千酒泉、張掖的騎兵從東西並擊西浚稽山，到時一定可以擒獲單于。漢武帝看了路博德的上奏後很生氣，懷疑李陵是怯戰才串通路博德上書，一方面訓斥了路博德，另一方面勒令李陵寫信交代與路博德之間的對話。同時下詔命令路博德進軍鉤營，截斷入侵西河的匈奴軍的退路。又令李陵九月出塞至東浚稽山，刺探匈奴的行蹤與虛實，然後撤退返回，派遣傳令兵匯報見聞。

于是李陵帶著五千步兵出居延千餘里，向北行軍三十日，到浚稽山下駐紮。他將沿途所經的山川地形繪成地圖，派遣麾下部將陳步樂送回長安。陳步樂見到漢武帝後，稱述李陵治軍有方，將士們願為他拼死效力。漢武帝很高興，提拔陳步樂為郎官。

血戰而降

李陵到達浚稽山後，與單于遭遇，被三萬騎兵包圍在兩山之間。李陵將大車環繞起來作為營寨，帶領士兵出營外列陣，前排持戟、盾、後排持弓弩，以鉦聲和鼓聲作為展開與停止進攻的信號。匈奴見漢軍人少，便直接正面攻擊大營，李陵部近身與敵軍展開對攻，後排弓弩齊發，匈奴應弦而倒。匈奴向山上逃竄，漢軍追擊，殺死數千人。單于大驚，召集左右地八萬多騎合力進攻李陵軍。

李陵向南邊打邊撤數日，到達山谷中。隨著連續作戰，漢軍的傷亡也在擴大，士兵被弓箭射傷受傷三處的允許躺在車上，受傷兩處的駕車，只受傷一處的仍需要拿起武器參與作戰。李陵發現部隊士氣低下，懷疑軍中藏有女人。便將士兵們藏在隨軍車輛中女子一一搜查出來，全部斬殺。第二天再與匈奴交戰，又殺死敵軍三千餘人。隨後李陵引兵向東南沿著龍城舊道行軍四五日，抵達大澤邊上的蘆葦地里。匈奴從上風口方向火攻，李陵也命令軍中放火燒隔離帶以求自救。李陵軍南行至山下，單于在南山上，派遣其子親率騎兵攻擊李陵。李陵軍利用地形與他們在樹林中步戰，又殺死數千敵軍，並且用連弩射退單于。

這一天，李陵軍捉到了匈奴俘虜，從他口中得知匈奴軍中對堅持戰鬥產生了動搖。單于認為這支軍隊是漢朝的精銳部隊，他們一邊抵抗一邊每天向南面邊塞靠近，是為了引誘匈奴的軍隊進入伏兵的陷阱中，不應再繼續深入追擊。而其它匈奴貴族則認為，如果單于親自率領數萬騎兵都消滅不了區區數千漢軍，會使匈奴在周邊小國中的威信掃地，也讓漢朝更加瞧不起匈奴。最終他們決定在接下來四五十里的山谷地形中繼續發起猛攻，如果在此期間還是不能擊潰漢軍，令漢軍成功抵達平地，到那時便只能退兵。

這時，李陵軍的境況愈加危急。匈奴仗著人多，雙方一日交戰數十次，李陵軍又殺死敵軍二千餘人。匈奴軍見情勢不利，本想退兵，恰在這時一個叫管敢的軍候因為被校尉所辱，投降了匈奴，同時出賣了李陵軍的情報。他告訴匈奴，李陵軍沒有後援，而且箭也快用光了，只剩下李陵及成安侯韓延年麾下各八百人的前排近戰士兵，他們分別使用黃色和白色的旗幟，只要用精銳騎兵弓箭射擊就能攻破。單于得知大喜，派出騎兵兩面出擊，並且朝漢軍大喊「李陵、韓延年快投降！」同時截斷漢軍退路，將漢軍包圍起來依仗山勢居高臨下四面射擊，箭如雨下。李陵部隊向南退走，還沒到鞮汗山，一天就把五十萬支箭射完了，漢軍隨即捨棄軍車繼續撤退。這時李陵軍還有三千餘人，但是武器已經告急，普通士卒手持從車輪上砍下的車輻，軍中的文吏把用來削刮簡牘的尺刀也用來充作了武器，背靠著山壁退入峽谷中。單于部隊斷了漢軍後路，把漢軍逼近角落，同時從山上投下擂石，漢軍傷亡慘重，無法行動。

黃昏後，李陵身著便衣獨自走出軍營，喝退左右說要單槍匹馬去刺殺單于，但許久之後卻只能絕望地回到營中，嘆息道：「兵敗了，只有死路一條了！」有軍吏勸他可以效仿當年浞野侯趙破奴，即使被匈奴俘虜也應先保全性命，然後尋求機會返回漢朝，被李陵拒絕。當天晚上李陵下令將旗幟砍斷與隨軍攜帶的珍寶一起掩埋。又下令解散軍隊，每人分發二升乾飯、一塊冰片，半夜時擊鼓發令，所有人各自逃命，約定突圍後在遮虜鄣會合。李陵與副將韓延年各自上馬，有壯士十餘人願意追隨他們，匈奴派了數千騎兵在後追趕。最後韓延年戰死，李陵說：「我沒臉回去見陛下！」投降了匈奴。他的軍隊分散逃離，最終突圍成功回到了塞內的只有四百餘人。

家人被誅

李陵兵敗的地方與邊塞只有一百多里，邊塞很快獲得消息並傳回了長安。消息傳來之初，李陵生死不明，漢武帝希望李陵能戰鬥到流盡最後一滴血而不是被生擒，便召相士來觀察李陵的家人以確認李陵的生死，卻發現其家人都沒有死喪的面相，這意味著李陵還活著。後來得知李陵投降，漢武帝大怒，並且責問事前稱頌李陵的陳步樂，陳步樂自殺。朝中大臣紛紛譴責李陵的罪行，只有司馬遷為李陵辯解，他認為李陵素來人品端正忠于國家，戰爭本有風險，在外浴血奮戰的人僅因一次失利就被國內偷安享福的人就羅織罪名，將其全盤否定是不公平的，再者李陵雖然戰敗，但他以少敵眾所展示出的軍事才能有目共睹，即使是與古代的名將相比也毫不遜色，至于他沒能死節應當是想要尋找機會立功報答漢朝。

當時，除了李陵軍的東線作戰潰敗之外，與右賢王交戰的李廣利軍雖然在戰鬥初期取得一定戰績，但是後來也遭受了巨大挫折，被匈奴大軍圍困差點遭到全軍覆滅的命運。而漢武帝原本派遣李陵出征只是為了輔助李廣利軍作戰，但因為李陵軍與單于主力惡戰，使得李廣利軍沒有得到太多功勞。漢武帝認為司馬遷是故意污衊詆毀功少的李廣利來為李陵開脫，便將司馬遷下獄欲辦其死罪，但因其自請宮刑贖死一等。後來漢武帝後悔自己不該催李陵出兵，便派人犒賞了李陵部隊突圍逃回的倖存者。

天漢四年（前97年），漢武帝在國內大規模徵發軍隊北伐匈奴。遣貳師將軍李廣利率領六萬騎兵、七萬步兵出朔方；因杅將軍公孫敖率領騎、步兵三萬人出雁門；游擊將軍韓說率領步兵三萬人出五原，三路並擊匈奴。又派強弩都尉路博德率領步兵萬餘人接應李廣利軍。其中公孫敖被指示深入匈奴腹地援救李陵，但公孫敖與左賢王遭遇，交戰之後無功而返，為了避免罪責便推託說捉到匈奴俘虜說李少卿幫助匈奴練兵對付漢朝，所以自己才無功而返。漢武帝大怒，將李陵家族滅。李氏本是隴西郡有名望的大家族，因李陵的背叛而聲譽掃地，同郡士大夫對李家都引以為愧。漢朝的處罰令李陵傷心欲絕，從此徹底斷絕了回歸漢朝的想法。他不僅接受了匈奴的官職與婚姻，也接受了他們的文化，改換自己的服裝習俗，徹底地融入到了遊牧民族的生活之中。

征和二年（前91年），匈奴入侵上谷、五原，同年又攻入五原、酒泉，殺兩部都尉。漢廷遣李廣利率七萬人出五原；御史大夫商丘成率領三萬餘人出西河；重合侯莽通率領四萬騎出酒泉，進攻匈奴。狐鹿姑單于得知漢兵全線出擊，命令其部落輜重沿著趙信城向北遷至郅居水；左賢王驅使其部民度余吾水六七百里，安扎在兜銜山；單于自己帶領精兵渡過姑且水，用堅壁清野對付漢軍。李陵作為匈奴軍的一員也參加了這次戰鬥。商丘成的部隊追至追邪徑，沒有遇到匈奴，便班師而還。李陵與匈奴大將率領三萬餘匈奴騎兵在其後追擊漢軍，在浚稽山與商丘成的部隊大戰九日，雙方一直打到蒲奴水，漢軍作戰英勇，匈奴軍損失慘重，不得不退兵。

後來漢匈再次通使，李陵責問漢使：「我為漢朝率兵五千橫掃匈奴，因為沒有援軍而失敗，有什麼對不起漢朝的，要誅殺我全家！」在得知緣由後，李陵表示為匈奴練兵的不是自己，而是投降匈奴的原漢塞外都尉李緒。因為憤恨自己全家因其被殺，李陵派人刺殺李緒。匈奴大閼氏想要殺掉李陵，單于只好把他派到北方藏起來，直到大閼氏死後才把他召回。

未歸漢朝

且鞮侯單于讚賞李陵的壯勇，將女兒嫁給他，並封他為右校王。李陵在匈奴獲得了尊貴的地位，和先前歸降匈奴而被封作丁靈王的衛律一同受到單于的信任，被委以重任。衛律長期在單于庭作為幕僚心腹之臣，而李陵則外派在地方上，遇到大事，才回單于庭參與決議。他們不僅參與匈奴對漢朝的軍事行動，也有在外交活動中接待漢朝使者的記載。

後元二年（前84年），漢武帝去世，以其少子漢昭帝即位，大將軍霍光、左將軍上官桀受命輔政。二人與李陵向來友善，特意派李陵的老朋友兼同鄉隴西任立政等三人出使匈奴，藉機勸李陵歸漢。任立政等人到達匈奴後，一開始是在單于為招待漢使的宴會上見到了陪同出席的李陵，但當時沒有單獨接觸的機會，只能以目視吸引其注意力，多次撫摸佩刀上的環，握住自己的腳，暗示他可以「還歸」。後來李陵和衛律單獨帶著酒肉來慰勞漢使，任立政趁著飲酒搏戲之時，大聲說「漢朝已經大赦，中原安樂，主上年少，輔政的是霍光和上官桀！」希望用這樣的話來打動李陵。李陵默不作答，摸著自己的頭髮，委婉地表示：「吾已胡服矣！（我已經是異國人了）」後來趁著衛律去上廁所的間隙，任立政等人立即向李陵挑明了希望他歸漢的意圖，但最終李陵明確回答「大丈夫不能第二次受辱」，拒絕了這次邀請。

元平元年（前74年），李陵在羈留二十多年後，病死在匈奴，他的血脈留在了草原上。公元前56年，匈奴內亂，李陵的兒子擁立烏籍單于，後來敗于呼韓邪單于。

李陵與蘇武

李陵與蘇武是曾經在一同在漢朝宮廷中擔任侍中的好友。李陵兵敗投降匈奴的前一年，蘇武出使匈奴遭到扣留，單于想要逼迫其歸順，遭到了嚴辭拒絕。李陵投降後出于愧疚一開始並不敢主動去見蘇武，過了很久，單于聽說了二人的關係，便派遣他前往北海去勸降被放逐在那裡牧羊的蘇武。

李陵到達北海後，為蘇武置辦了宴席，席間李陵向蘇武透露了單于希望勸降的誠意，並勸說他：「你終歸是不可能回到漢朝的，在這個荒無人煙的地方即使堅守信義，也不會被知曉，只是白白讓自己受苦罷了。你的兩位兄弟早就死了，母親也已經去世，妻子聽說也改嫁了。即使你還挂念著妹妹和子女，十幾年過去也不知他們是死是活。人生就如同早上的露珠一樣短促，何必在這裡長時間的折磨自己！況且漢武帝年事已高恩威無常，大臣無罪被殺的已有十幾家，你的家人也未必倖免。」蘇武不為所動，表示自家歷代受國家恩養，必當不辱使命效忠國家，自己對于漢武帝的忠誠就如同兒子對父親的忠誠一樣不需要回報，並表示自己已有必死的決心。李陵被蘇武的堅貞不屈所感動，長嘆：「唉！真是義士！我和衛律的罪過簡直比天還高。」然後流淚與蘇武告別。他自己羞于向蘇武禮物，因為這會顯得像是在誇耀財富，便讓妻子出面賜給了蘇武牛羊。

武帝後元二年（前86年），李陵再次回到北海見到蘇武，帶去了漢武帝已死的消息，蘇武聞後對南哭拜，悲哀過度以至吐血。

始元三年（前85年），狐鹿姑單于去世。因為子嗣年幼，狐鹿姑單于生前本有意實行兄終弟及，母閼氏與顓渠閼氏為了保全地位，前者謀殺了人心所向的單于異母兄弟左大都尉，後者與衛律合謀排擠掉單于遺言指定的繼承人右谷蠡王，強行擁立其子左谷蠡王繼位為壺衍鞮單于。致使匈奴內訌，不承認新單于繼承合法性的匈奴貴族紛紛出走，不願意再參加龍城會盟。基于自身的不穩定，匈奴害怕漢朝趁機進攻，于是開始考慮與之結善。為表誠意，匈奴主動提出將之前扣押不降的漢朝使節蘇武、馬宏二人送還漢朝。

蘇武在始元六年（前81年）返回漢朝，李陵擺酒宴與他送別，席間他表白自己的內心道：「如果漢朝沒有誅殺我的家人，我原本也一直希望能像曹沫、荊軻那樣劫持單于立功贖罪。但皇上用世間最嚴苛的刑罰殺戮了我的全家，我已經沒有什麼可留戀的了。如今說這些只是想讓你了解我的本心，你我一分手，再沒有相見之日了。」並親自作起舞唱道：

之後，二人訣別。蘇武回到漢朝，大獲讚揚，被後世譽為忠臣的典範，李陵則終老于漠北。

蘇李題材作品

這對好友訣別的故事成為了一個經典的藝術題材，千百年來不斷被後人用各種藝術手法演繹著。這個題材又包含了李陵的浚稽山血戰、蘇武牧羊北海邊以及蘇李泣別三個部分。

傳世文獻中收錄的蘇武與李陵贈答書信描述的是蘇武與李陵在離別後的書信對答，雖然作者署名為蘇武與李陵，但在現在通常被認為是後人假託二人的文學創作。十九世紀末問世的敦煌遺書中數篇李陵蘇武贈答書信題材的作品，則進一步証明早在唐以前蘇李的故事便已是流行的民間創作題材。與之同時發現的還有《李陵變文》《蘇武李陵執別詞》等民間文學作品。

近代考古在東漢墓葬中發現了蘇武持節題材的畫像磚。從南朝起就一直有假託蘇李離別情景的「擬蘇李詩」創作。明朝畫家陳洪綬兩次創作《蘇李泣別圖》。2007年上海淮劇團創作了改編自蘇李故事的新編歷史劇《漢魂歌》

蘇李贈答詩

《文選》及《藝文類聚》中載有李陵《答蘇武書》及《與蘇武詩》，蘇武《與李陵詩》等文學作品，但自古以來對于作者就一直存在著質疑。有觀點認為是後人偽托；也有觀點認為是編輯者張冠李戴,認為是南朝庾信所作。但是《答蘇武書》與《蘇李詩》作為文學作品本身的價值仍然受到肯定。

後世評價

軍事

司馬遷稱讚他「雖古之名將，不能過也」。

宋代秦觀認為，保証以優勢兵力攻擊敵人的弱勢兵力是戰爭的基本原則，善于用兵的將領即使擁有以少擊眾的才能，也不應將之視作一種常態。李陵主動要求以少擊眾，這是違背用兵常理的冒險舉動，這種盲目自信與貪功求勝一開始就決定了戰敗是情理之中的事。即使李陵本人才能出眾，想要獲得勝利也只能憑藉僥倖。一軍統帥不能將戰勝的希望寄託于僥倖冒險，而應當以更加謹慎的態度來對待。

北宋何去非指出，李陵的戰敗固然由其輕率冒進所致，但作為決策者的漢武帝也負有相等的責任。戰爭不只是將領的事情，不同的將領有各自擅長的領域，能否發揮將領的才能也看君主是否使用得當。李陵有著英勇善戰的優點，卻有著性格上的的致命弱點，這使他適合作為衝鋒陷陣的裨將，不宜擔任獨立領軍的統帥。以他的軍事才能，如果被安排在更合適的位置，應該能取得更大的成就。然而李陵提議以少擊眾時，漢武帝不僅不阻止反而極為鼓勵，輕易讓李陵在沒有援軍的情況下孤軍深入，在聽說戰敗後又只是眼巴巴地等著李陵殉國。既缺無知人善任的慧眼，又無愛才惜才的胸襟，這也不是一個合格的用人者應有的行為，最終白白造成了這次人才浪費。

清代學者王源認為他「功雖不成，固天下之奇才也」，民國學者錢穆表示：「李陵之才氣，及其全軍之勇決，令千載下讀史者想慕不已」。

道德

儒家

在漢民族漫長的歷史上曾有過多次與異民族戰爭的經歷，關于李陵投降匈奴一事中各方的評價，也隨著歷朝關于華夷之辨的爭議從未中斷過。

與李陵同時代的史家司馬遷極力為李陵的英勇與忠誠辯護，他堅信李陵並非由于貪生怕死，投降敵人只是為尋找機會報效漢朝。同時他認為軍人出征本就是為了國家作出了犧牲，在後方安享太平的人對前線將士作戰失利過于苛責是不公平的，也不利于今後鼓勵軍人為國家捨命作戰。所謂「太平本是將軍定，不許將軍見太平」。

東漢的班固在《漢書》中以極其抒情的筆調濃墨重彩地刻畫了李陵欲報國而不得，留戀故土卻最終不能歸還、孤獨而又矛盾的情感，對于其不幸遭遇給予了寬容與同情。

南朝時期江淹基於自身的遭遇，在《恨賦》中以「裂帛系書，誓還漢恩」將李陵描寫成一個雖然身負冤屈卻依舊忠貞于故國的人。被認為創作于六朝時期的《答蘇武書》，則假託李陵的口吻對為其投降匈奴的行為辯護，主張李陵本性忠誠，即使被迫降敵本意也是出于希望忍辱負重尋得機會報效國家，卻最終被自己的國家拋棄，將矛頭指向政治的腐敗不公與統治者的刻薄寡恩。

中唐時期的文學家白居易不滿于前人對李陵的包容曾著《漢將李陵論》，指出李陵「不死於王事非忠，生降於戎虜非勇，棄前功非智，召後禍非孝，四者無一可，而遂亡其宗」，是個不忠不勇不智不孝之人。參考當時危害巨大的藩鎮割據，白居易會有這種險惡評價是自然之事。

明末堅持抗清的王夫之對同情李陵的觀點提出了更加激烈的批判，認為李陵的失敗本是其過度自信造成的，于征和二年率領匈奴軍隊追擊漢軍已經足以說明他是徹頭徹尾的背叛，所謂忍辱負重想要報答漢朝不過是為了掩飾自己怯懦的謊言。

清朝有關此類討論幾乎絕跡，直至民國。

民間

在膾炙人口的民間故事《楊家將》中有楊業撞「李陵碑」而死的經典文學創作，以李陵叛降反襯楊業忠義來傳達出「寧為楊業死，毋為李陵生」的價值取向。而更多的時候，李陵的形象是與蘇武聯繫在一起，民間戲曲《蘇武牧羊》中描寫的李陵一生為自己的背叛感到羞愧與悔恨，與蘇武的忠貞不屈最終榮耀歸國形成鮮明對比。十九世紀末在甘肅莫高窟發現的「敦煌遺書」中保存有相當數量以李陵為題材的民間文學作品，其中雖有假託蘇武口吻大罵李陵的蘇李贈答書，亦有像《李陵變文》及《蘇武李陵執別詞》這樣對李陵命運報以同情的作品。

關于阿巴坎漢代宮殿遺址

前蘇聯考古學家吉謝列夫考証，李陵在匈奴的時候曾被封到西伯利亞地區建立堅昆國，他的王庭就設在葉尼塞河上游的阿巴坎。20世紀40年代，阿巴坎發掘出漢式宮殿遺址，該宮殿為四阿式重簷建築，平面是長方形，中央有方形大殿，宮殿的內部構造與漢時的宮殿基本無異，房簷有圓形瓦當，上邊有漢隸八分體書就的「天子千秋萬歲常樂未央」。這座宮殿建成時間在公元前後，吉謝列夫推測這是公元前99年李陵降匈奴後的宅邸。郭沫若曾對此表示懷疑，另一位學者周連寬認為這座宮殿可能是王昭君的長女須卜居次雲的居所。

追祖李陵的現象

在民族融合的南北朝至隋唐時期，出現了有不少記載為李陵後裔的北方民族。他們中絕大部分的真實性並不認為學術界認可，但是這種現象被視作是一種「民族融合與文化整合的歷史態勢」。

關于北魏拓跋氏

這種說法最早見于《宋書·索虜傳》，稱李陵在匈奴的後裔有千百支，索頭族拓跋氏是其中一支。索頭拓跋即是後來的北魏拓跋氏。之後的《南齊書·魏虜傳》強化了這種說法，並補充說明：因為李陵在匈奴時的妻子名為「拓跋」，匈奴的風俗是用母親的名字作為姓氏，所以身為北魏皇族的拓跋氏其實是李陵之後，但是拓跋氏並不承認這種說法，凡是稱拓跋氏是李陵後裔的全都會被殺死。

這種說法出自漢人的文獻，並沒有得到北魏官方的認可。即使是漢人學者也不認同，認為這是為了將北朝皇室附會為漢人而故意捏造的。

關于北周李賢

《北史·李賢傳》記載：北周柱國大將軍李賢，自稱祖籍是隴西成紀，本是李陵的後裔，所以出生在北方，後來跟隨魏國南下。1985年在寧夏固原發掘出土的北周李賢夫婦墓的墓誌証實了這種說法並不是記史人的附會，而是確實為李賢本人認同並記錄在其墓誌上的。

但是這種說法仍然沒能受到後世學者的認同，認為是李賢本人的附會。

關于黠戛斯部族

黠戛斯部族是今天吉爾吉斯人的前身。唐代時，黠戛斯首領阿熱可汗和部族中的一些成員自稱為李陵後人，黠戛斯部族曾多次為唐王朝效力，積極參與了唐與突厥的戰爭，並滅掉唐後期從西北威脅唐帝國安全的回鶻。《新唐書》記載：「黠戛斯破回鶻，得太和公主。黠戛斯自稱李陵之後，與國同姓（註：指李唐王朝），遂令達幹十人送公主至塞上。」《唐書·回鶻傳下》附《黠戛斯》條中說：該族之人「皆長大，白髮、皙面、綠履，以黑髮為不祥，黑瞳者必曰〔李〕陵苗裔也。」唐代認吉爾吉斯人為同宗非他番比。

關于賀蘭氏

宋朝人的《古今姓氏書辯正》記載，唐朝時期的與拓跋氏同源的賀蘭氏，也自稱是李陵後裔。

有關李陵的小說

• 台灣作家張國立曾以其李氏一族之事，撰成小說《匈奴》（ISBN 957-33-1539-4）一書，獲第二屆皇冠大眾小說獎首獎。

• 中國大陸作家賈滌非也寫了《李陵傳奇之風雲乍起》一書。

• 香港作家傅良 《約櫃風雲》

• 日本作家中島敦作有短篇小說《李陵》，收錄于短篇小說集《山月記》（鄭秀美譯 台北星光出版社）

• 中國大陸作家錢莉芳的歷史科幻小說《天命》中以李陵、蘇武等為主要角色。

相關條目

• 李廣

• 司馬遷

• 漢武帝

• 李廣利

• 蘇武

注釋

Early life

Li Ling was born in Chengji (成紀, in modern-day Tianshui) in the Longxi (隴西) region. He was the grandson of the famous "Flying General" Li Guang. According to the Records of the Grand Historian and the Book of Han, Li Ling was good at mounted archery, liked making friends and enjoyed a good reputation, much like his grandfather. As a result, Emperor Wu thought of him as future military hopeful, and appointed the young Li as a high-profile imperial servant (侍中建章監), a position which Wei Qing and Huo Qubing had previously held.

Li Ling was later assigned a military position to the border front, and once led 800 men over 1,000 miles into Xiongnu territory for a reconnaissance mission. Although he did not encounter any enemy, Emperor Wu soon promoted him to the role of cavalry commander, assigned him to lead 5,000 elite infantry, and placed him in charge of training local reserve forces in Jiuquan (酒泉) and Zhangye (張掖). A few years later, Li Ling started serving regular military roles, but limited to providing escort for higher-level generals such as Li Guangli (李廣利, also Emperor Wu's brother-in-law).

Battle, defeat and defection

In 99 BC, Emperor Wu ordered Li Guangli to lead 30,000 men for an offensive from Jiuquan against the Xiongnu in the Tian Shan region. Li Ling was assigned to provide an escort for Li Guangli's supply line, a role Li Ling vehemently disliked. Li Ling therefore requested Emperor Wu to allow him to lead an individual regiment of his own to the east. Li Ling commented that he led a personal legion of "warriors from Jingchu and extraordinary swordsmen", who were capable of "strangling tigers and sharpshooting". Emperor Wu initially frowned at the idea, and warned Li Ling that there was no additional cavalry available to assign to him. Li Ling then bragged that he would crush the Chanyu's main tribe with nothing more than his 5,000 infantry. Impressed by Li Ling's enthusiasm, Emperor Wu agreed and gave him the go-ahead.

A senior general Lu Bode was assigned to assist Li Ling. However, Lu did not like the idea of supporting Li in such a mission, and suggested Emperor Wu to delay the mission until spring as Xiongnu's fighting strength often peaked in autumn, so then they could attack with 5,000 men each from two columns. Emperor Wu was angry at Lu's request, thinking that Li Ling collaborated with Lu to do this because of fear towards battles. He then ordered Li's troops to mobilize immediately.

Li Ling's army marched north for 30 days, and sketched maps for the journey encountered. A junior officer named Chen Bule (陳步樂) was sent back to report about the progress. Upon seeing Emperor Wu, Chen started boasting with tales of how hard Li Ling and his men had been fighting the enemy (very likely just bluffs, as Li Ling's advance had been unresisted up to this point). Pleased with the good news, Emperor Wu promoted Chen as a reward.

Li Ling's troops encountered the Chanyu's main forces upon arrival at Altay Mountains, and was quickly encircled by 30,000 cavalry between two mountains. With no supply and reinforcement (Li thought there was no need), Li ordered his troops to use the wagons as cover and form up for battle. With a large advantage in numbers, the Xiongnu rashly attacked Li Ling's forces front-on, only to suffer heavy casualties under Han troop's crossbow barrage and the subsequent pursuit. The Chanyu then summoned 80,000 reinforcement troops, forcing Li Ling to battle hard while retreating into a valley, suffering significant casualties. Li Ling then found that his troopers were low in both morale and energy, leading him to search and kill many women secretly hidden in the wagons, who were serving as camp followers for his soldiers. Li's forces then battled Xiongnu for another day, killing 3,000 enemies. He then retreated southeast for the next 4 to 5 days into a large reed swamp, where they managed to survive a fire attack. The Chanyu then sent his own son to command the pursuit, only to suffer further casualties when Li Ling's forces took refuge in a forest and repelled the attack with their crossbows, field artillery crossbows, and melee combat. Up to this point, the Chanyu began to suspect that Li Ling was planning to draw them into an ambush close to the Han border, but decided to intensify the attacks as he considered it would be humiliating to be unable to defeat such a small force.

For Li Ling, the situation went from bad to worse. The Xiongnu charged over 20 times a day, and were only repelled after suffering another 2,000 casualties. A low-level officer from Li's army, Guan Gan (管敢), defected in retaliation to an insult from his superiors, bringing to the Xiongnu news that Li's forces were cut off from supplies and running out of arrows. Chanyu then pressed on his attacks from small mountain trails, trapping Li Ling into a valley, then proceeding to shoot the Han forces from above the cliffs. Li Ling's men returned fire from the bottom, depleting 500,000 arrows in one day, and was forced to abandon their wagon transports. The 3,000 remaining soldiers were in such a dire state that axles were chopped for use as weapons, and many officers resorted to daggers for combat. The Xiongnu forces then bombarded the Han troops with boulders, killing many.

One night, Li Ling left the camp refusing any followers, claiming that he was seeking to assassinate the Chanyu on his own. He returned in vain, crying pessimistically that they were solidly defeated and all going to die. His subordinates suggested the idea of a false surrender, as another Han general Zhao Ponu (趙破奴) previously had done, but Li Ling refused flatly, "Shut up! If I don't die in battle, I'm not a man!" He ordered his troops to destroy the flags and bury the jewels. Every soldier was given some food and supplies, and told to wait and escape at the same time, then scatter. In midnight the breakout began, but no one was there to even beat the battle drum. Li Ling and his second-in-command Han Yannian, each with only a small escort, rode and fought under the pursuit of several thousand Xiongnu cavalry. After Han was killed in combat, Li Ling cried "I have no face to return and meet the Emperor!", and voluntarily surrendered himself to the Xiongnu. Out of his 5,000 men, only 400 made it out of the encirclement back to the border.

It is recorded that he used a field artillery crossbow that was capable of repeating fire and/or firing multiple bolts to fire at a Chanyu.

Aftermath of defection

Emperor Wu initially thought Li Ling was killed in action, and summoned his family to pay tribute. However, he observed no signs of sorrow from Li's family and thus grew suspicious. As the battlefield was not too far from the border, it was not long before news of Li's surrender arrived. The Emperor became furious and ordered the court martial of Chen Bule, who committed suicide upon receiving the message. Public opinion condemned Li as a traitor, and imperial officials began proposing to punish Li's family for his crime of treason. Sima Qian (司馬遷), a senior imperial historian and a friend of Li, was the only person defending him in the Han court. Emperor Wu was offended by Sima's words of defence, taking them as an attack on his brother-in-law Li Guangli, who had also fought against the Xiongnu without much success. Sima was arrested for the crime of grand insult (similar to the crime of lèse-majesté against a European monarch), and was tried and sentenced to death. Although his criminal charges were allowed to be paroled to lesser punishments, Sima Qian was not rich enough to pay for it, so he was forced to accept the commutation to castration and jailed for three years.

"The 'disaster of Li Ling' induced China to give up for a time this system of counter-raids", but "did not imperil the boundaries of Gansu."

Despite his majestic rage, Emperor Wu soon regretted his decision to allow Li Ling to mobilize so hastily, and also realized what a mistake it was not listening to Lu Bode's suggestion. As a gesture, he rewarded the survivors from Li Ling's regiment.

One year later, Emperor Wu sent Gongsun Ao (公孫敖) in a rescue mission to retrieve Li Ling. Gongsun failed to achieve anything, but captured a Xiongnu soldier, who revealed that "Li Shaoqing" was training Xiongnu troops for the Chanyu. Concluding that Li Ling's treachery was evident, Emperor Wu had Li Ling's family executed. Since then, everyone from Longxi perceived the Li family as a disgrace. However, it was later revealed that the one who trained Xiongnu forces was another high-profile Han defector called Li Xu (李緒), who happened to share the same courtesy name. Li Ling hence bore a deep hatred towards Li Xu, and arranged his assassination.

Life after defection

As a young and high-profile defector, the Chanyu held generous regard of Li Ling, giving Li his daughter's hand in marriage and making Li Lord Youxiao (右校王), which was at the same level as Chanyu's chief adviser (and a notorious Han traitor), Wei Lü (衛律). However, the Xiongnu Queen Dowager (大閼氏) disliked Li Ling and wanted to have him killed. The Chanyu therefore sent Li Ling to a far northern region, and did not call him back until after the Queen Dowager died.

In 90 BC, Xiongnu invaded Wuyuan (五原) and Shanggu (上谷), and Wuyuan again and Jiuquan later that year. Emperor Wu ordered a major counteroffensive in three columns against Xiongnu, with Li Guangli leading 70,000 men, Shang Qiucheng (商丘成) leading 30,000 and Mang Tong (莽通) leading 40,000. The Xiongnu responded by having the entire tribes retreating further north, with a scorched earth strategy to challenge the Han army's operational limit. When the forces led by Shang Qiucheng withdrew after meeting no adversary, Xiongnu sent in Li Ling to pursue the Han forces with 30,000 cavalry. The two sides battled for nine days, ironically, at Altay Mountains. Li Ling was defeated badly by the Han forces, and retreated after suffering heavy casualties.

Li Ling was dispatched twice by the Chanyu to persuade the detained Han ambassador Su Wu to surrender, as Li and Su used to be co-workers and good friends. Initially Li Ling was too ashamed to visit Su Wu, as he defected merely the year after Su's exile to Lake Baikal. On his first visit, Li Ling mentioned how everyone in Su Wu's family back in China had either died or remarried, hoping to sever Su's patriotic bond. Li then said that Emperor Wu had grown old and emotionally labile, and how he himself used to suffer over the guilt of treason but had overcome that eventually. However, Su Wu emphasized how much he valued the honor and responsibility the motherland had given him, and told Li Ling that it's either honor or death. Moved by Su Wu's unshakable valor, Li Ling tearfully exclaimed, "Aye! Such an honorable man! I and Wei Lü have sins that dwarf the sky!" The second time Li Ling visited Su Wu, he brought the news that Emperor Wu had died, which caused Su to mourn so hard that he vomited blood and almost died.

When Emperor Zhao (漢昭帝) took the throne, the coregents Huo Guang (霍光) and Shangguan Jie (上官桀), who were both old friends of Li Ling, sent the ambassador Ren Lizheng (任立政, a fellow townsman from Longxi like Li) to persuade Li to return home. Ren took an opportunity to talk to Li privately, telling him that all his sins could be whitewashed, that he needed not worry about wealth after returning and his old friends missed him. However, Li Ling refused, claiming that he had already become a "foreigner" and he couldn't stand to be ashamed a second time.

Li Ling died of disease in 74 BC, after more than 20 years among the Xiongnu as a defector.

The Yenisei Kirghiz Khagans claimed Li Ling as their ancestor.

Nanqishu alleged that the Northern Wei's dynastic clan Tuoba descended from Li Ling, whose Xiongnu wife was named Tuoba; as non-Chinese possessed the ancient custom of matrilineality.

Possible palace in Khakassia

Some archaeologists have tentatively identified a unique Han-Dynasty architecture palace discovered in Russia's Khakassia (southern Siberia) as the residence of Li Ling in the land of the Xiongnu.

In 1940, Russian construction workers found ancient ruins during the construction of a highway between Abakan and the village of Askyz (Аскыз), in Khakassia. When the site was excavated by Soviet archaeologists during 1941-45, they realized that they had discovered a building absolutely unique for the area: a large (1500 square meters) Chinese-style, likely Han Dynasty era palace. While the name of the high-ranking personage who lived there is not known, Russian archaeologist L.A. Evtyukhova surmised, based on circumstantial evidence, that the palace may have been the residence of Li Ling (see :ru:Ташебинский дворец).

One should note, however, that the "ownership" of the palace continues to be discussed. More recently, for example, it was claimed by A.A. Kovalyov as the residence of Lu Fang (盧芳), a China throne pretender from the Guangwu era.