生平

早年生平

東漢永壽元年（155年），曹操出生于沛國譙縣（今安徽亳州）的一個宦官家族，養祖父是宦官曹騰，歷侍四代天子，漢桓帝時封為費亭侯。父親曹嵩是曹騰養子，漢靈帝時官至太尉。《三國志》中記載曹操遠祖是漢代初期的相國曹參，但是裴松之註曰：「嵩，夏侯氏之子，夏侯惇之叔父。太祖于惇為從父兄弟」；曹操身世眾說紛紜。

曹操少年時機警過人，通權謀機變，十歲時曾經在家鄉擊退鱷魚。但行為放蕩不羈。曹操的叔父數次勸曹嵩，曹操聽到後，有次在叔父經過時，裝作中風的樣子，叔父急忙去找曹嵩，曹嵩到達時，曹操卻和平常一樣，說我原本就沒有病，因不受叔父喜愛，所以亂說謊吧。所以之後叔父每次告狀時，都不受曹嵩的信任。（如曾和袁紹偷新娘。)，不為世人看重。只有橋玄、何顒、李瓚和王俊認為曹操是非常之人，將來一定會安定天下。當時曹操還默默無聞，橋玄建議曹操去結交當時的名士許劭，以提高名望。于是曹操就去拜訪許劭，向他詢問說：「我是怎樣的人？」許劭鄙視曹操的為人，不肯回答，曹操找到機會威脅許劭，許劭不得已，給曹操做出「君清平之奸賊，亂世之英雄。」的評價（《異同雜語》作：「治世之能臣，亂世之奸雄」），曹操聽罷大笑，並逐漸知名。建安七年（202年）曹操北征，路過橋玄之墓，下令祭祀橋玄，並且寫下悼文。

曹操早年就喜愛武藝同時也很有才華，曾經潛入中常侍張讓家，被張讓發覺後，手舞著戟越牆逃出，全身而退。又博覽群書，尤其喜歡兵法，曾經抄錄古代諸家兵法韜略，還有注釋《孫子兵法》的《孫子略解》；是為《孫子兵法》最早的註釋本。

初入官場

曹操年輕時是名諸生，熹平三年（174年），二十歲的曹操察舉孝廉成為郎官，不久司馬芳(曹魏後期的權臣和西晉奠基人司馬懿的父親)推薦曹操為洛陽北部尉，但曹操想擔任洛陽令，不過負責人事的選部尚書梁鵠並沒有遵從曹操的意願。曹操上任洛陽北部尉數月，宦官蹇碩的叔叔違禁夜行，被曹操依律棒殺。這使曹操得罪宦官集團，可是曹操是依法而行，這些人又無法中傷詆毀曹操，只好轉而稱讚他，舉薦他去擔任地方官。177年，曹操被任命為頓丘令，第二年，曹操因堂妹夫滁強侯宋奇被宦官誅殺，受到牽連，被免去官職。其後，在洛陽無事可做，回到家鄉譙縣閒居。

180年，曹操又被朝廷徵召，任命為議郎。此前（168年），大將軍竇武、太傅陳蕃謀劃誅殺宦官，不料反為閹黨所害。曹操上書陳述竇武等人為官正直而遭陷害，致使奸邪之徒滿朝，而忠良之人卻得不到重用的情形，言辭懇切，沒有被漢靈帝採納。而後，曹操又多次上書進諫，雖偶有成效，但是東漢朝政日益腐敗，曹操知道無法匡正。

中平元年（184年）二月，太平道首領張角聚眾起義，黃巾之亂爆發，朝廷任命曹操為騎都尉，前往潁川郡鎮壓叛亂。由於鎮壓黃巾軍有功，升任濟南相，任職後罷免貪污官員約八成，並且嚴令禁止當時盛行的宗教迷信。據說因為曹操當政素稱嚴明，濟南郡一帶作亂之徒聽說曹操要來，都紛紛潛逃到別的郡縣。曹操被任命為東郡太守，但是曹操沒有就任，自稱在擔任濟南相期間的行為得罪十常侍和地方豪強，害怕引起報複，稱病回鄉，在譙縣東部五十里建築精舍，上半年研讀書籍傳記，下半年以打獵為自己娛興。當時天下紛亂，先是發生冀州刺史王芬聯合南陽許攸、沛國周旌等地方豪強，謀劃廢黜靈帝立合肥侯的事件。王芬等人曾經希望曹操加入他們，但被曹操拒絕，後來王芬事敗自殺。接著，又有西北金城郡（今甘肅蘭州）的邊章、韓遂殺死刺史和太守，率兵十餘萬反叛朝廷。

188年，漢靈帝組建西園軍，曹操被起用為典軍校尉，並派往家鄉募兵，結果中途士兵叛亂，襲擊曹操，曹操負傷逃脫。189年，在位22年的漢靈帝駕崩，終年34歲，太子劉辯登基，何太后臨朝聽政。大將軍何進想趁宦官失勢之機誅滅閹黨，但是沒有取得太后的支持。于是何進便召時任并州刺史的董卓進京，脅迫太后同意。然而此舉打草驚蛇，董卓尚未抵達京城，何進已經被宦官下手謀殺，隨後宦官十常侍也被袁紹等人誅殺。同年九月，董卓入京，誅殺丁原，逼走袁紹，執掌朝政。廢少帝劉辯為弘農王，改立其弟陳留王劉協為皇帝，是為漢獻帝，京城陷入混亂。為了穩定局面，董卓想拉攏曹操，上表奏請曹操為驍騎校尉。但是，曹操沒有接受董卓所封的官職，害怕惹禍上身，更名改姓，潛逃出洛陽。曹操逃亡到成皋，投奔故人呂伯奢家，呂伯奢不在，其子招待曹操。曹操聽見有食器聲音，以為呂伯奢兒子要抓捕自己獻給官府，乾脆將呂伯奢五個兒子和呂家2名賓客全部殺死。事後曹操發現自己是誤殺，於是說「寧我負人，毋人負我！」來安慰自己。曹操殺死呂伯奢兒子離開後，道逢二人，容貌威武，曹操避讓。二人笑著對曹操說：「感覺你很害怕，為什麼呀？」曹操覺得詫異，把剛才殺人的事全盤托出。臨別前，曹操解佩刀送給二人並說：「以此表吾丹心，願二賢慎勿言。」曹操繼續向東逃亡，經過中牟縣時，被亭長懷疑是逃亡的罪犯，於是將曹操抓去見縣令。鄉野中有人認得這人就是曹操，就拜託縣令楊原把曹操給放走。

起兵討董

189年十二月，在回到陳留郡之後，曹操散盡家財徵募鄉勇，甚至親自和刀匠一同製作武器，豪強衛茲也傾家財助之，曹操率先於己吾揭竿舉義，討伐董卓。初平元年（190年）正月，董卓討伐戰開始，勃海太守袁紹、後將軍袁術、冀州牧韓馥、豫州刺史孔伷、河內太守王匡、兗州刺史劉岱、陳留太守張邈、東郡太守橋瑁、山陽太守袁遺、濟北國相鮑信等地方勢力，舉兵反董，群雄推舉袁紹為盟主。曹操則行使奮武將軍之職。

此次戰役中，曹操跟隨諸將駐紮酸棗，當時天下英雄豪傑，都以袁紹馬首是瞻，只有鮑信認為曹操是撥亂反正的雄才。而鮑信的推算也沒有錯，在董卓焚燒洛陽，挾持漢獻帝與百官遷都長安之後，袁紹等各軍將領都畏懼董卓而按兵不動，誰也不敢先發動攻擊，唯有曹操單獨引兵西行。張邈派部將衛茲率領一部份兵力跟隨曹操，曹操打算奪取成皋，在抵達滎陽汴水時，和董卓部將徐榮遭遇，大敗，士卒死傷眾多。戰中，曹操被流矢射中，所騎戰馬受傷倒下，幸而曹洪把自己的坐騎讓給曹操，且步行隨侍保護，才能乘夜逃走。也是因為這戰，徐榮發現曹操以這麼少的兵力，都能奮戰一整天，判斷酸棗不易攻下，因此也向後撤退。

曹操回到酸棗，看見各軍累積起來也有十餘萬，但諸將每天歡宴飲酒，沒人圖謀進取，於是提出建議：

• 袁紹從河內發兵，進逼孟津。

• 酸棗諸將，據守成皋，控制敖倉，封鎖轘轅關、太谷關，掌握險要。

• 袁術攻擊丹水、析，直入武關，威脅三輔。

• 全軍興築高大堅固的堡壘，不和董卓軍團正面衝突，只派出遊擊部隊騷擾，完全控制關東，從而立於不敗之地，等待董卓軍內部發生變化。

然後諸將不能接受這項部署，曹操因為士兵多死在滎陽之戰，只好跟司馬夏侯惇等，前往揚州募兵，揚州刺史陳溫、丹陽太守周昕給予曹操四千餘人。行軍至龍亢，士卒叛變，趁夜焚燒曹操營帳，曹操親手斬殺數十人，才出營帳，沒有參與叛變的僅剩五百餘人。又行軍到銍、建平一帶，集結殘兵一千餘人，投奔袁紹，前來河內駐守。

然而不久後，酸棗大營糧秣告盡，各軍星拔營散，同時內鬥又起，劉岱和橋瑁交惡，橋瑁被殺。袁紹和韓馥又謀立幽州牧劉虞為帝，想拉攏曹操，遭到曹操拒絕。聯軍無暇顧及董卓之事，於是反董卓聯盟解散，除了曹操、孫堅、王匡之外，其餘諸軍皆沒有和涼州軍團交戰，只是各懷鬼胎，保存實力。曹操聽從鮑信的建議，想避開袁紹新佔的冀州，往黃河南邊的兗州進行發展。這時黑山軍于毒、白繞、眭固等十餘萬眾攻略魏郡、東郡，東郡太守王肱無法抵抗，曹操趁機讓袁紹讓自己前往東郡，並順利的在濮陽擊敗白繞。袁紹于是上表曹操為東郡太守，屯駐東武陽。

收眾山東

初平三年（192年），曹操駐軍頓丘，黑山賊於毒等趁機攻擊東武陽，曹操率軍直向于毒的本營西山，于毒得到消息，解除對東武陽的進攻。曹操趁勝進抵內黃，大破眭固及南匈奴單于於夫羅等，東郡遂告安定。

夏，青州的百萬黃巾大軍入侵兗州。兗州刺史劉岱不聽濟北相鮑信勸阻，與黃巾軍交戰，結果被殺，舉州驚恐。曹操部屬陳宮前往昌邑，向別駕、治中推薦曹操繼任。鮑信心中亦有同樣想法，於是與州吏萬潛等到東郡迎接太守曹操，推舉他擔任兗州牧。後來與黃巾軍戰於壽張以東，初期失利，後曹操即起補救，加強訓練，賞罰嚴格，又不斷使用奇兵詭計，晝夜進攻，終於逼退黃巾軍。然而鮑信在亂軍中戰死，曹操重金尋鮑信屍體不得，只好雕刻其木像安葬祭拜。之後，曹操追擊黃巾直到濟北國，黃巾軍眼見退無可退，遂全體投降，其中有士兵三十餘萬人，眷屬老幼約一百萬人。曹操遴選其精銳，組成大名鼎鼎的「青州兵」。

與此同時，漢獻帝下詔使金尚為兗州刺史，曹操在金尚要赴任之際，率軍攻擊，金尚只好投奔袁術。

當時，袁紹和袁術反目成仇，雙方拉結人馬，袁紹找上荊州劉表，而袁術則找上公孫瓚、陶謙。作為袁紹盟友的曹操，幫助袁紹打敗屯駐高唐的劉備，屯駐平原的單經，屯駐發幹的陶謙等。

初平四年（193年），曹操屯軍鄄城。此時劉表截斷盤踞在南陽的袁術其糧道，袁術受不了如此壓力，率軍北上，打算進佔兗州。聯絡黑山賊餘黨以及於夫羅，屯駐封丘，並派遣將領劉詳駐紮匡亭。曹操出兵攻擊劉詳，袁術來救，為曹操所敗，曹操乘勝包圍封丘，還沒包圍完成，袁術突圍，退駐襄邑，曹操追擊，連戰連勝，最後袁術退入揚州九江郡，曹操因此回軍定陶。是為匡亭之戰。

秋，陶謙攻打兗州東部泰山郡，使得曹操父親曹嵩被殺。對于曹嵩之死，存在爭議。為此事，曹操開始攻擊徐州牧陶謙，並得到袁紹相助。曹操打到彭城，陶謙不敵退保郯縣，曹操在徐州大屠殺。《後漢書》對此事描錄「凡殺男女數十萬人，雞犬無餘，泗水為之不流」。

興平元年（194年），曹操以荀彧、程昱留守，再攻陶謙，進逼東海、琅邪，並在剡縣大破前來幫忙陶謙的劉備，嚇得陶謙差點逃回丹陽。就在此時，張邈因為恐懼曹操將為袁紹殺死自己，而陳宮則因為邊讓被殺而心生恐懼，於是兩人聯合從事中郎許汜、王楷以及張邈弟張超等，奉迎呂布成為兗州牧。呂布佔據濮陽，兗州郡縣大部分都響應，等曹操回軍時，根據地只剩下鄄城、范、東阿三縣。

曹操和呂布交戰於濮陽，濮陽豪門田氏作為內應，大開城門迎接曹操。曹操焚燒東門，誓言絕不退出，但被呂布反攻大敗，出奔。呂布的一名軍官，抓住曹操，卻不認識曹操，反而問曹操在哪裡，曹操回答：「騎馬逃走那個就是曹操。」軍官相信而放掉曹操，曹操才因此逃過一劫。

曹操回營後，再度組織進攻，雙方再戰於濮陽，對峙一百餘天，雙方糧秣用盡，於是各自撤退。在這危急時刻，曹操曾想投奔袁紹，但被程昱勸阻，曹操這才打消念頭，但還是親自前往袁紹處，借了五千士兵回兗州繼續和呂布作戰。

興平二年（195年），曹操在鉅野大敗呂布部將薛蘭、李封等，呂布與陳宮捲土重來，雙方遭遇，曹操兵全出去收割小麥，只剩一千餘人，於是曹操設伏，呂布發現敵人單薄，輕裝突擊，曹操伏兵出擊，大敗呂布，乘勝攻取定陶，分兵收復諸縣，呂布逃奔徐州。後，曹操圍雍丘，城破，夷張超三族。就在此時，漢獻帝封曹操為兗州牧。曹操受封兗州牧後，向漢獻帝進貢梨、椑、棗各二箱。曹操在兗州鏖戰四年，總算得到朝廷的承認，也紮實地站穩其第一個領地。

奉迎天子

195年七月，李傕與郭汜為了爭權奪利，內鬥不斷，漢獻帝趁機逃出長安，進駐安邑。建安元年（196年），曹操聽從謀士荀彧、毛玠建議，前往洛陽，迎接皇帝。

雖然漢獻帝（或其掌權之臣）對曹操仍有疑慮，但是曹操勢力擊破黃巾軍，表現出關心社稷的忠心。由於京師洛陽被董卓破壞，殘破不堪，漢室於八月庚午日（10月7日）遷都至潁川郡許縣。曹操於十一月丙戌日（197年1月1日）被任命為司空，行車騎將軍，封武平侯，仍領兗州牧，開始掌控東漢朝廷的軍政大權。

早在兗州時期，曹操就開始打算和袁紹決裂。曹操控制漢獻帝後，讓獻帝下詔書譴責袁紹地廣兵多而樹立黨羽，不聞勤王之師而但擅相討伐。袁紹不服，上書辯解。曹操為了安撫冀州牧袁紹，上表漢獻帝，封其為太尉。袁紹又不肯位列曹操之下，甚至被曹操背盟舉動所激怒，說；「曹操有幾次都快沒命，我每次都救他，現在曹操忘恩負義，居然挾天子以令我嗎？！」。最後曹操讓漢獻帝封袁紹為大將軍。袁紹眼見曹操控制皇帝，藉口許都潮濕，洛陽殘破，要曹操遷都靠近袁紹控制區的鄄城，曹操不同意。

四方征戰

197年，曹操征討南陽郡的張繡，張繡舉眾投降，之後因為曹操納張繡叔父張濟之妻鄒氏，張繡對這件事感到十分痛恨，曹操得知後密謀要殺害張繡。由於計畫洩漏，張繡襲擊曹操，曹操在長子曹昂、姪子曹安民與校尉典韋殿後下逃亡，曹昂、曹安民與典韋陣亡。此後，曹操又兩度攻擊張繡，都沒有徹底擊破。兩年後，張繡接受謀士賈詡的建議，向曹操投降，曹操才取得對荊州北部的控制，並且消除許都南面的威脅。

198年十二月，曹操用荀攸、郭嘉的計策，開決泗、沂二河之水灌入下邳，最後生擒處死呂布、陳宮與高順，收降張遼，把徐州納入勢力範圍。199年，曹操派史渙、曹仁、于禁和徐晃擊破張楊舊部眭固，取得河內郡，把勢力範圍擴張到黃河以北。同年六月，窮途末路的袁術病死于壽春，其部下向曹操投降，淮南之地盡歸曹操之手。

統一北方

200年正月，車騎將軍董承與左將軍劉備、長水校尉種輯、將軍吳子蘭、王子服等人自稱收到漢獻帝的衣帶詔，密謀誅殺曹操，事情敗露後除劉備外被曹操殺害，夷滅三族，懷孕的董貴人也被絞殺。在外領兵的劉備聽說後斬殺車胄，統領徐州。不久，曹操攻下徐州，劉備逃到冀州投奔袁紹。

二月開始，曹操和袁紹展開一系列的會戰，史稱官渡之戰。謀士沮授建議袁紹採取持久戰略不被採納，而許攸建議袁紹派兵襲擊許都亦不被接受。十月，戰事處入殭局之時，袁紹謀士許攸因為袁紹和他多次不和，許攸家屬因為犯罪被袁紹處罰，許攸對袁紹懷恨在心于是投奔曹操，向曹操獻策，偷襲袁紹的糧草囤積地烏巢。曹操採納，因而扭轉戰局。張郃向袁紹建議派大軍救援烏巢，但是袁紹只派輕騎去救援。烏巢守將淳于瓊對曹軍未先加以防範，結果樂進率軍攻陷烏巢，燒掉袁紹所有的軍糧，俘虜斬殺淳于瓊。烏巢淪陷之後袁紹兵敗逃回鄴城，張郃、高覽投降曹操，沮授因為拒絕投降而被處死。202年五月，袁紹去世，他最喜歡的三子袁尚繼承大將軍、冀州牧之位，與兄長袁譚內鬥不斷。

204年，曹操趁袁氏兄弟內鬥的機會，發兵攻下鄴城，誅殺審配，自領冀州牧，把自己的據點北遷到冀州鄴城，政令軍隊此後皆從此出，只是在許縣留有個別官吏監視漢獻帝。205年攻下青州，誅殺袁譚與郭圖。206年，平定并州高幹的叛亂。207年，曹操征討烏桓，誅殺蹋頓

，謀士郭嘉病死在行軍途中。袁尚、袁熙兵敗後逃往遼東，被太守公孫康所殺。至此，曹操經過七年的戰爭，徹底消滅袁氏集團，基本統一中國北方。

曹操出身寒族，而且與閹宦有關，雖然深通詩文，但是不以儒家經學為務，與當時服膺經學的經學、士大夫不同。曹操曾下「求才三令」，強調重才不重德，並以法家之術為治，要摧破豪族的儒學。曹操為一代梟雄，不僅得到眾多寒族人才支持，也得到部份經學士大夫支持，如荀彧、荀攸、鐘繇，荀彧更為曹操引進不少士大夫階層的人才。

赤壁折戟

建安十三年六月癸巳日（208年7月9日），曹操恢復丞相制度，自為丞相。七月，曹操親統大軍10餘萬南征荊州，企圖先滅劉表，再順長江東進，擊敗孫權。八月，荊州牧劉表病亡，次子劉琮請降。九月，劉備在長阪坡被曹軍重創，逃往江夏，派遣諸葛亮出使柴桑，與孫權聯合。十二月，江東名將周瑜火燒烏林，曹操敗於孫權和劉備聯軍，損失慘重，逃回北方，三國鼎立的雛型初步形成。209年，孫權率軍攻打合肥，卻中計退兵。周瑜占領江陵與夷陵，守將曹仁、徐晃、樂進等人逃往襄陽。

211年三月，曹操為用兵關中，藉口要討伐漢中張魯，遣曹仁、夏侯淵等統率大軍與鐘繇會師於關中，此舉引起起關中諸侯的驚疑，馬超等十部起兵聯合反曹，曹操依賈詡離間之計，引起馬超、韓遂等人相互猜疑，一舉擊潰關中聯軍，馬超等人各自走還涼州。十月，曹操進軍安定，楊秋投降。曹操率軍撤回，命令夏侯淵督眾將繼續西征。隨後，馬超在隴西捲土重來，先後攻下隴西各地，但是最後復奪涼州未成，兵敗逃奔漢中。曹軍在數年之內逐馬超、破韓遂、滅宋建、橫掃羌、氐，虎步關右，涼州地區基本平定。

封公稱王

建安十七年（212年），漢獻帝准許曹操「參拜不名、入朝不趨、劍履上殿」，如漢丞相蕭何故事。董昭等人推舉曹操為魏公，荀彧以忠於漢室的立場提出反對。曹操答應荀彧永不做魏公，但是因此對荀彧不悅，不久荀彧憂憤去世。曹操起兵號稱四十萬，親自南征孫權。次年（213年）正月，曹軍進軍濡須口（今安徽巢湖東南），攻破孫權設在江北的營寨，生擒公孫陽。孫權親率軍七萬，前至濡須口抵禦曹軍，相持月余，各無所獲。曹操見孫權軍容嚴整，自己難以取勝，遂撤軍北還。五月丙申日（6月16日），漢獻帝正式下詔冊封曹操為魏公，加九錫。其領地廣及魏郡、河東郡、河內郡等十個郡國，超過西漢初年的劉姓宗室藩王，更加違背「七國之亂」和推恩令後諸侯封地不得超過一郡的漢制。

建安十九年三月癸未日（214年3月30日），漢獻帝使曹操的魏公位在諸侯王上，改授金璽，赤紱、遠遊冠。伏皇后數年前曾經寫信給父親伏完，要他秘密圖劃剷除曹操，伏完直到去世都不敢動手。後來事情敗露，曹操命令御史大夫郗慮與尚書令華歆一起統兵入宮逮捕伏皇后。伏皇后緊閉門戶，披髮赤腳藏匿于牆壁之中，被華歆伸手牽出，監禁于掖庭暴室里幽禁而死，所生的兩位皇子被鴆酒毒殺，伏氏宗族一百多人亦被處死，曹操之女曹節被立為皇后。

215年，曹操進攻漢中，太守張魯投降。曹操收降張魯後，取得漢中屬地，但是劉備得悉曹操攻降漢中，早晚要南下伐蜀，便和孫權以湘水為界平分荊州，回師益州。此時曹操沒有接受劉曄的建議，未能趁劉備未站住腳跟之時攻蜀，便班師回朝。同年曹操獲得名義上分封諸侯和任命太守的權力。

建安廿一年四月甲午日（216年5月29日），曹操被封為魏王，立曹丕為世子，公然違反漢高祖所訂「非劉氏而王，天下共擊之」的白馬之盟。次年（217年）僭天子禮，設天子旌旗，戴天子旒冕，出入得稱警蹕，並作泮宮。十月，再授賜十王冠、二綵帶，乘金根車，駕六馬，設五時副車。他名義上雖仍為漢臣，實際上掌握等同於皇帝的權力和待遇，權傾朝野，漢朝已經名存實亡。曹操任命夏侯淵為征西將軍、曹仁為征南將軍，欲取荊蜀之地。

東進西退

215年，曹操打算報復孫權的皖城打擊，隨即率軍伐吳，可惜以失敗告終。孫權率領訛稱十萬大軍進攻合肥，曹操當時剛剛拿下漢中，不能親自前往征戰，便命令合肥守將張遼、樂進、李典阻擋進攻，孫權最終攻不下撤兵。216年，曹操拘留南匈奴單于呼廚泉，派右賢王去卑監國，將南匈奴分成五部，分別安置在朔方、并州、幽州一帶，其中左部帥劉豹就是十六國漢趙政權創建者劉淵的父親。

216年冬，曹操再次率軍攻打濡須口，217年開始進攻逼退正在濡須口築新城的孫權，但後來孫權作出反擊，把曹操軍擊退回居巢，雙方進入膠著階段。當時連日大雨水漲，孫權驅使水軍令魏軍將士不安，曹操當時無法打敗孫權，也未能穿越長江巢湖，看見形勢不利便下令撤軍，征戰時及歸途中大軍受瘟疫侵襲死傷者眾多。戰後，孫權派都尉徐詳以重結姻親為條件向漢朝廷請降，曹操則對徐詳表示自己想跨越長江與孫權一起在江東狩獵的意願，但徐詳認為這樣只會令江東震蕩，委婉拒絕曹操想乘機進入長江天險的意圖，曹操聽後大笑，隨即接受孫權的請降並結為姻親。

從217年末起，劉備率軍大舉進攻漢中陽平關，漢中之戰爆發。218年七月，曹操親率大軍坐鎮長安，同時邊塞硝煙再起，曹彰、田豫北征，大破烏桓、鮮卑聯軍。鎮守漢中的夏侯淵與劉備相峙一年，曹軍守將夏侯淵、張郃、徐晃多次擊退劉備軍猛烈攻勢。

219年正月，劉備親自領軍和黃忠分進合擊，於定軍山斬殺征西將軍夏侯淵。至此漢中為劉備取得，同年三月曹操親自揮軍欲奪回，一度召集抽調鎮守北方的曹彰二十萬大軍增援，但是都為劉備所敗，曹軍無功而返，劉備便派劉封、黃忠、趙雲等將晝夜不停攻擊曹軍。至五月曹操便撤退至長安，且身體已感覺不適。劉備攻下房陵，派劉封順沔水攻佔上庸。相傳此戰為「雞肋」一詞的出處。

襄樊之戰

219年七月，劉備在漢中自立為漢中王，封關羽為前將軍。關羽起荊襄之兵大舉北伐襄樊，進一步圍困曹軍大將曹仁、滿寵的殘軍於樊城，史稱樊城之戰。曹操派左將軍于禁援救，適逢漢水暴漲，淹沒于禁七軍，漢軍乘勢以水軍攻打，活捉于禁。于禁向關羽投降，龐德被俘虜後不降遭斬，關羽並另遣軍隊包圍襄陽，一時之間威震華夏。當時曹操治下許多州郡的叛軍早已受關羽遙控。

同年十月，曹操來到洛陽，欲遷都以避其鋒芒，司馬懿、蔣濟等人勸阻，認為孫權必然不願看到關羽坐大。孫權果然自請襲擊關羽後方，曹操並召集駐守合肥與孫權對峙的張遼軍隊、在漢中監視巴蜀的徐晃軍隊等，並且親自由洛陽領軍往樊城救援。

曹操又命人把孫權偷襲荊州的消息用箭射到關羽和樊城守將曹仁處，曹軍士氣大振，而關羽進退失據。最先抵達樊城的徐晃軍，乘著大水稍退，對圍城的關羽軍展開攻擊。曹仁終於突圍而出，與徐晃軍一同擊退關羽。同年十二月，往南退軍的關羽被佔領江陵的孫權俘虜後處斬，孫權將關羽的首級送到洛陽，曹操以諸侯之禮安葬，襄樊戰役結束。

梟雄壽終

219年冬天，孫權上書稱臣，陳說天命，勸曹操稱帝。曹操把孫權來書給群臣觀看，陳群、夏侯惇和司馬懿等人都勸曹操簒位。曹操卻不想簒漢自立，他說：「若天命在吾，吾為周文王矣。」；因周文王的兒子周武王當王，部分人認為曹操暗示自己的兒子稱帝。（學術界分為兩派，一部分人認為曹操暗示自己兒子去稱帝，而另一部分人認為曹操不想篡漢，只想當個周文王那樣的英雄就好了）

建安二十四年（220年）曹操病重時，自慮不起，對於長子曹昂的死，嘆曰：「我前後行意，于心未曾有所負也。假令死而有靈，子脩（曹昂）若問我母（丁氏）所在，我將何辭以答！」

建安二十五年正月廿三日庚子（220年3月15日），曹操病逝於洛陽，享年65歲，謚號武王。

曹操臨死前留下《遺令》，提倡薄葬。二月廿一日丁卯（4月11日），曹操被安葬于鄴城西郊的高陵，與西門豹祠相近。

曹操去世後，世子曹丕嗣魏王、丞相、冀州牧之位。不久，夏侯惇、程昱等人也先後去世。同年十月廿九日（12月11日），曹丕代漢，迫使漢獻帝退位禪讓，建立曹魏，年號黃初，定都洛陽。封劉協為山陽公，追尊曹操為太祖武皇帝。

文學成就

體裁

曹操詩歌在表現形式上往往有所創新，如「薤露行」、「蒿里行」，「短歌行」古辭都是雜言，各曲僅為四句，曹操則改用五言來寫，各十六句。五言詩以外，又長於四言詩。

《蒿里行》原是雜言，曹操卻以五言重寫，非常成功。四言詩方面，本自《詩經》之後已見衰落，少有佳作，但曹操卻繼承《國風》和《小雅》的傳統，反映現實，抒發情感。例如：《短歌行》、《步出夏門行》等均是四言詩之佳作，使四言詩重生而再放異彩。

此外，曹操還有不少其他文章傳世，例如《請追增郭嘉封邑表》、《讓縣自明本志令》、《與王修書》、《祀故太尉橋玄文》等，文字質樸，感情流露，流暢率真。

內容思想

曹操用舊調舊題，描寫新內容。漢樂府詩多著重塑造客觀人物形象，曹操的樂府詩卻突破詩人自我形象；漢樂府詩以敘事為主，曹操的樂府詩卻以抒情為主。他沒有形式上模擬樂府，而是學習民歌反映現實創作精神，用舊曲作詞，既具有民歌的特色，而又富有自己的創造性。

曹操善於以詩歌抒寫政治理想和抱負，雄心壯志，詩中充滿奮發進取的精神，也有思憂難忘、人生朝露的消極情緒，還有宿命思想，又寫了一些遊仙詩。

曹操詩內容大致有三種：反映漢末動亂的現實、統一天下的理想和頑強的進取精神、以及抒發憂思難忘的消極情緒。

• 漢末大亂，曹操又南征北討，接觸的社會面非常廣大，故多有親身經驗和體會如《蒿里行》謂漢末戰亂的慘象，見百姓悲慘之餘又見詩人傷時憫亂的感情。故後人謂曹操樂府「漢末實錄，真詩史也。」

• 曹操對天下具有野心，懷有統一之雄圖，《短歌行》有謂「周公吐哺，天下歸心。」可資明證。其進取之心亦可見出，如《龜雖壽》言之「老驥伏櫪，志在千里。」言己雖至晚年仍不棄雄心壯志。

• 一代梟雄，縱風光一世，亦有星落殞滅之時。曹操對此也感到無能為力，只有作詩感歎，無可奈何。如《短歌行》中「譬如朝露，去日苦多」的感傷，《秋胡行》之低沈情緒，《陌上桑》等遊仙作品中都可見他的消極情緒。

曹操的詩，極受樂府影響，現存的詩脫胎自漢樂府民歌。這些詩歌雖用樂府舊題，卻不因襲古人詩意，自闢新蹊，不受束縛，而是體現漢樂府「感於哀樂，緣事而發」的精神。例如：《薤露行》、《蒿里行》原是輓歌，曹操卻以之憫時悼亂。《步出夏門行》原是感歎人生無常，須及時行樂的曲調，曹操卻以之抒述一統天下的抱負及北征歸來所見的壯景。可見曹操富有創新精神的民歌，開啟建安文學的新風，也影響到後來的杜甫、白居易等人。

語言風格

曹操詩語言多古樸質直，少華美詞藻；情調悲壯，激昂慷慨；音調昂揚，氣魄雄偉；形象鮮明，善用比興。

曹操詩文辭簡樸，直抒襟懷，慷慨悲涼而沉鬱雄健，華美辭藻並不常見，惟形象鮮明，如《觀滄海》一詩：「東臨碣石，以觀滄海。水何澹澹，山島竦峙。樹木叢生，百草豐茂。秋風蕭瑟，洪波湧起，日月之行，若出其中，星漢燦爛，若出其裡。」寥寥數筆，即能以遼闊的滄海景象，表現詩人胸襟，不加潤飾。

《詩品》評價

鍾嶸《詩品》對曹操的作品評價「曹公古直，甚有悲涼之句。」，將其置於下品，引起爭議，後世學者亦有認為曹操作品應置於上品。一般認為是由於鍾嶸喜五言詩，而曹操的作品以四言詩見長之故。

容貌

• 《世說新語》容止第十四注引《魏氏春秋》：武王姿貌短小，而神明英發。

• 《世說新語》容止第十四：魏武將見匈奴使，自以形陋，不足雄遠國，使崔季珪代，帝自捉刀立床頭。既畢，令間諜問曰：「魏王何如？」匈奴使答曰：「魏王雅望非常，然床頭捉刀人，此乃英雄也。」魏武聞之，追殺此使。

• 曹操小字阿瞞。《說文解字》卷五目部：瞞，平目也。

性格

• 曹操為人聰明能幹，但也十分狡猾。起初名聲不顯，可是也有很多人看好曹操的才華，如陳壽的「抑可謂非常之人，超世之傑矣」及許劭的「子治世之能臣，亂世之奸雄」已明顯闡述曹操的才能非比常人。也有許多人瞧不起曹操的品德，孫盛曰：「魏武於是失政刑矣。易稱『明折庶獄』，傳有『舉直措枉』，庶獄明則國無怨民，枉直當則民無不服，未有徵青蠅之浮聲，信浸潤之譖訴，可以允釐四海，惟清緝熙者也。昔者漢高獄蕭何，出復相之，玠之一責，永見擯放，二主度量，豈不殊哉！」

• 曹操性格嚴厲，掾屬辦公如果不合其意，常常被他杖責。其中何夔經常帶著毒藥，決心如被杖責寧可自鴆而死也不受侮辱，而何夔終究沒有遭受杖刑。

• 曹操生性猜忌，得罪過他的人，幾乎都被他殺死，例如：崔琰、許攸、婁圭、孔融、楊修、華佗、邊讓、桓邵、劉勳等人，趙彥欲親近漢獻帝者亦被殺死。即使沒犯錯只要威脅到曹操，曹操亦殺之，神童周不疑便是最好的例子。張繡兵變複投曹營後八年便病故，不然一般認為張繡若活得夠久早晚遭曹操清算。謀士荀彧由于反對曹操稱魏公也被其嫉恨冷落。同時曹操又派下屬盧洪、趙達二人擔任撫軍都尉負責監視軍人，大家對盧洪、趙達恨得要死。

• 曹操的性格是有兩面性的，從《讓縣自明本志令》中可以看出曹操有政治智慧，也有性情。這樣一份有重要政治意義的綱領性文件卻用了非常樸實的語言風格，以及他的遺囑中很少提及他的政治生涯，很大篇幅都是安排瑣碎的家務事，雖說蘇東坡曾對此評價「平生奸偽，死見真性」，但是「惟大英雄能本色，是真名士自風流」，可見他的性情。另一方面，他也是奸猾的，他以《讓縣自明本志令》表明對漢朝的忠心，但實際行動卻渾然不同，在相同的實例中可以看出曹操的不同性格。

• 曹操深通兵法，在戰略、戰術方面都能應付裕如，常用計略來應付一系列的群雄戰爭來取勝，曹操甚還為孫武（孫子）所著作的《孫子兵法》做過註釋。

• 曹操擅長武藝、劍術，十歲時擊退過鱷魚，曾在兵變時，用劍殺死數十個亂兵才脫身。甚至有一次偷進張讓家時被發現，曹操手揮舞戟才得以逃跑，曹操也有抱負著野心的態度來面對亂世，如其迎接劉協代表其掌控了漢朝大勢，使到漢獻帝劉協也沒有權力。曹操也是殘忍之者，時常屠城，所以曹操殺人亦不手軟，坑殺士卒、214年殺害皇后，所生的兩位皇子亦以毒酒毒殺，伏氏宗族有百多人亦被處死、有孕在身的董貴人也未能倖免。曹操更過度勞役人民，以致有時爆發起義。

• 曹操妻妾眾多，不過娶納方面並不是毫無一個標準。並其中出名者多自他處改嫁而來。收降張繡時，收了張繡伯母入側室，引來張繡不快，曹操得知後於是想殺害張繡，但是由於計畫洩漏，引起張繡兵變，其長子曹昂，侄兒曹安民以及典韋白白地犧牲。曹操曾許諾將秦宜祿前妻杜夫人贈與關羽，但見其美色後自納之，關羽因此心中不安。雖說好色，但曹操納妾實際上是有所標準，綜觀曹操所收的妻妾，不是寡婦，就是別人休離的前妻，所以曹操才不齒呂布染指有夫之婦的行為。曹操也很疼愛妻子所帶來繼子，並不因為非自己所出就有所忌諱。曹操死前也留下遺言，要求善待他的夫人們。

• 曹操生性節儉，不好華麗。《魏晉世語》記載，曹植之妻崔氏（崔琰侄女）就因穿著過于華麗的衣服違反了禁令，回家後就被曹操賜死了。

• 曹操不相信鬼神，在擔任濟南相期間搗毀城陽景王劉章祠，並且認為墳墓也終將被人盜掘，所以極力提倡喪葬從簡，一改漢代奢華之風。曹操曾設立發丘中郎將、摸金校尉等職，專門盜墓掘墳以賺取軍費，行事風格非常乾脆實際。然而此舉乃失德之行，連袁紹的幕僚陳琳起草討曹之「檄文」中亦把曹操公然發掘漢梁孝王墓列為其罪行之一。

• 曹操喜歡吃魚，在他的《四時食制》中提及不少魚類。在一場宴會中也說過「今日高會，珍羞略備，所少吳松江鱸魚耳。」

• 曹操一度認為叔孫通任用盜賊有理，並認為賢人君子無法辦理檢舉一事，自校事趙達遭伏法後，曹操才向建議檢舉趙達的高柔道歉。

• 曹操長年以來有嚴重偏頭痛毛病，甚至有痛到在地上打滾的紀錄，一日曹操頭痛症犯，強忍苦楚批閱陳琳奏章，陳的絕妙文筆讓曹操看得入神連頭痛都忘了，之後曹操以此事開玩笑稱讚陳琳妙筆生花可治頭痛，後引申為成語「文癒頭風」。

身世爭議

曹操的父親曹嵩被宦官曹騰收養，其本來身份與姓氏一直存在爭議。《三國志》作者陳壽記載「莫能審其生出本末。」劉宋裴松之《三國志注》中引用的《曹瞞傳》和郭頒《世語》則記載曹嵩本姓夏侯，是夏侯惇的叔父。

對于曹嵩出自夏侯氏的記載，何焯提出夏侯惇的兒子夏侯楙娶了曹操的女兒清河公主，夏侯淵的兒子夏侯衡也娶了曹家的女子，所以這種說法是敵對方東吳的傳聞，不可採信。而潘眉、林國贊、姚范和趙一清則認為陳壽將夏侯惇、夏侯淵、曹仁、曹洪、曹休、曹真、夏侯尚放在同一個列傳中，正隱寓夏侯氏是曹魏的宗室，曹操是夏侯氏的子孫，趙一清還指出曹操把女兒嫁給夏侯楙大概是想掩蓋自己的出身，非常地奸詐，何焯據此辯証曹操不是夏侯氏的子孫完全是顛倒事實。惲敬則認為曹操雖然陰險狡猾，也不應該做出近親通婚之事。曹氏與夏侯氏世代通婚，而夏侯惇、夏侯淵和曹仁、曹洪、曹休、曹真等是曹魏開國元勛，他們死後，曹爽與夏侯玄陸續被殺，大權歸于司馬氏，所以陳壽將夏侯氏與曹氏合傳，讓後人看到曹魏興衰的緣由，這是陳壽寫史書定下的史學法規。洪亮吉猜測陳壽大概是因為當時世傳曹操是夏侯氏的子孫，所以在評論中特別註明夏侯氏和曹氏世代通婚，以表明此說的錯誤，洪亮吉還認為將《曹瞞傳》和《世語》當做信史的人都是不善于讀史書的。劉咸炘認為即便曹嵩是夏侯氏的子孫，他的後裔也未必不能與夏侯氏通婚，因為兩家已經是不同族了，陳矯就是如此。如果曹嵩為夏侯氏的子孫不是醜事，沒必要避諱，曹嵩是宦官養子人所共知，曹氏家族也沒對此事避諱，不避諱養子而避諱出自夏侯氏是不近人情的，所以此說不足信。劉咸炘認為惲敬所給出的曹氏、夏侯氏合傳的解釋合理，陳壽評論中曹氏合夏侯氏世代通婚就是他這樣立傳的理由，洪亮吉所說陳壽意在辨明流言的是非反而曲解了陳壽的意思。李景星認為「莫能審其生出本末」是陳壽揭露曹操家世的醜聞。

吳金華總結各家觀點，指出陳壽「莫能審其生出本末」是一種曲筆，他還提出曹嵩為夏侯氏的三個証據：

• 《三國志注·吳主傳》中引《魏略》記載了孫權寫給浩周的書信，當中有「今子當入侍，而未有妃耦，昔君念之，以為可上連綴宗室若夏侯氏」，此時孫權向曹魏稱臣，魏臣浩周以為孫權之子可以如同夏侯氏一樣和曹魏宗室連結在一起，這已証明曹嵩出自夏侯氏並非敵對方的傳聞。

• 《三國志·文帝紀》記載夏侯惇去世的時候，裴松之引用《魏書》「王素服幸鄴東城門發哀」，又引孫盛的評價「在禮，天子哭同姓於宗廟門之外。哭於城門，失其所也。」孫盛是東晉時人，以「良史」著稱，他的這項評價以曹丕和夏侯惇為同姓，証明曹嵩出自夏侯氏這一點在孫盛時代仍為人所共知。

• 1974年至1979年安徽亳縣城南出土了曹氏墓磚，刻辭有「夏侯右」。

對于夏侯氏和曹氏世代通婚之事，周壽昌指出陳矯原為劉氏子孫，後成為舅舅家養子改姓陳，又娶了劉頌的女兒，劉頌與陳矯是近親，曹操因愛惜陳矯的才華，為他周全，特別下令禁止誹謗此事。周壽昌認為曹操禁止人們議論同姓通婚，也是為自己的私事提供方便。吳金華也提出曹魏時期同姓通婚毫不奇怪，甚至有同母兄妹結為夫婦的情況，如《三國志注·曹爽傳》引《魏末傳》記載曹操義子何晏就娶了同母妹妹金鄉公主。吳金華指出只要知道這一點，就會對曹嵩出自夏侯氏沒有任何疑問。此後朱子彥和韓昇仍舊以《曹瞞傳》和《世語》不可信，夏侯楙、夏侯衡、夏侯尚娶曹氏女來論証曹操不是夏侯氏的後裔。

身後墓地

2009年在河南安陽出土被認為是曹操墓的遺蹟。出土的骨骼身高只有1.55米左右，符合史書中形容曹操身材短小的描述。複旦大學研究者隨即對于曹操宗譜展開研究，同時科研人員對出土遺骨進行DNA複原。

藉由對現代曹姓人群進行DNA分析，同時配合史籍、方志、家譜等歷史資料多重印証，進而找出了6支曹氏族群是最有可能的曹操後代。曹操Y染色體類型為O2-m268。漢代丞相曹參的家族基因O3-002611+，與曹操的家族基因沒有關係，從而証明曹操是曹參後人的說法可能是偽造。對有關曹姓是曹操後代避禍改姓而來以及曹操是從夏侯氏抱養的說法，經過基因驗証都不可信。然而，他們也沒有很可靠的夏侯氏基因資料來提供依據。遼寧東港大孤山、鐵嶺腰堡兩支曹姓的Y染色體根據測得結果推測屬曹操後裔。。

複旦大學經過研究發現，持有家譜及一定歷史可信性自稱是曹操後人的家族中存在一種極為罕見的染色體類型，而對比曹鼎的古DNA測試，發現與其相符。証明曹操來自家族內部過繼，而非曹參及夏侯氏的後人。

2016至2017年度考古出現重大發現，曹操墓室內發現3具遺骸，其中60歲左右男性遺骸較完整，專家鑑定後確定為曹操。

廟庭

《明帝紀》和《三少帝紀》記載了詔祭祀的文臣武將。

魏明帝曹叡

• 一，「青龍元年夏五月壬申，詔祀故大將軍夏侯惇、大司馬曹仁、車騎將軍程昱於太祖廟庭。 」

齊王曹芳

• 二，「正始四年秋七月，詔祀故大司馬曹真、曹休、征南大將軍夏侯尚、太常桓階、司空陳群、太傅鍾繇、車騎將軍張郃、左將軍徐晃、前將軍張遼、右將軍樂進、太尉華歆、司徒王朗、驃騎將軍曹洪、征西將軍夏侯淵、後將軍朱靈、文聘、執金吾臧霸、破虜將軍李典、立義將軍龐德、武猛校尉典韋於太祖廟庭。」

• 三，「正始五年冬十一月癸卯，詔祀故尚書令荀攸于太祖廟庭。 」

• 四，「嘉平三年十一月，有司奏諸功臣應饗食於太祖廟者，更以官為次，太傅司馬宣王功高爵尊，最在上。」

魏元帝曹奐

• 五，「景元三年冬，詔祀故軍祭酒郭嘉於太祖廟庭。 」

評價

時人評價

• 橋玄：「今天下將亂，安生民者，其在君乎！」

• 許劭：「君清平之奸賊，亂世之英雄。」

• 何顒：「漢室將亡，安天下者，必此人也！」

• 王俊：「有治世之具」、「如卿之言，濟天下者，舍卿複誰？」

• 陳宮：「今天下分裂而州無主；曹東郡（曹操），命世之才也，若迎以牧州，必寧生民。」

• 袁紹：「曹操當死數矣，我輒救存之，今乃背恩，挾天子以令我乎！」

• 袁術欲稱帝時曾推辭：「曹公尚在，未可也。」

• 劉表：「今天下大亂，未知所定，曹公擁天子都許，君為我觀其釁。」

• 呂布：「明公（曹操）所患不過於布，今已服矣，天下不足憂。明公將步，令布將騎，則天下不足定也。」（《三國志·魏書·呂布臧洪傳第七》）

• 于禁：「且公聰明，譖訴何緣！」（《三國志·魏書·張樂于張徐傳第十七》）

• 荀彧：「將軍（曹操）本以兗州首事，平山東之難，百姓無不歸心悅服。」

• 郭嘉：「真吾主也。」「公奉順以率天下；公糾之以猛而上下知制；公外易簡而內機明，用人無疑，為才所宜，不問遠近；公策得輒行，應變無窮；公以至心待人，推誠而行，不為虛美，以檢率下，與有功者無所吝，士之忠正遠見而有實者皆願為用；公於目前小事，時有所忽，至於大事，與四海接，恩之所加，皆過其望，雖所不見，慮之所周，無不濟也；公御下以道，浸潤不行；公所是進之以禮，所不是正之以法；公以少克眾，用兵如神，軍人恃之，敵人畏之。」

• 董昭：「將軍（曹操）興義兵以誅暴亂，入朝天子，輔翼王室，此五伯之功也。」

• 田豐：「曹公善用兵，變化無方，眾雖少，未可輕也，不如以久持之。將軍據山河之固，擁四州之眾，外結英雄，內脩農戰，然後簡其精銳，分為奇兵，乘虛迭出，以擾河南，救右則擊其左，救左則擊其右，使敵疲於奔命，民不得安業；我未勞而彼已困，不及二年，可坐克也。今釋廟勝之策，而決成敗於一戰，若不如志，悔無及也。」

• 劉備：「今指與吾為水火者，曹操也，操以急，吾以寬；操以暴，吾以仁；操以譎，吾以忠；每與操反，事乃可成耳。今以小故而失信義於天下者，吾所不取也。」「惟獨曹操，久未梟除，侵擅國權，恣心極亂。」（《三國志·蜀書·先主傳第二》）

• 關羽：「吾極知曹公待我厚，然吾受劉將軍厚恩，誓以共死，不可背之。吾終不留，吾要當立效以報曹公乃去。」（《三國志·蜀書·關張馬黃趙傳第六》）

• 孫權：「老賊欲廢漢自立久矣，陡忌二袁、呂布、劉表與孤耳。今數雄已滅，惟孤尚存，孤與老賊，勢不兩立。」（《三國志·吳書·周瑜魯肅呂蒙傳第九》）「其惟殺伐小為過差，離間人骨肉以為酷耳，御將自古少有。」

• 周瑜：「操雖託名漢相，其實漢賊也。」（《三國志·吳書·周瑜魯肅呂蒙傳第九》）

• 魯肅：「今之曹操，猶昔項羽，將軍何由得為桓文乎？肅竊料之，漢室不可復興，曹操不可卒除。為將軍計，惟有鼎足江東，以觀天下之釁。」「彼曹公者，實嚴敵也」（裴松之註引《魏書》及《九州春秋》）「曹公威力實重」（裴松之註引《漢晉春秋》）（《三國志·吳書·周瑜魯肅呂蒙傳第九》）

• 陸遜：「斯三虜者（曹操、劉備、關羽）當世雄傑，皆摧其鋒。」（《三國志·吳書·陸遜傳第十三》）

• 韓嵩：「豪傑並爭，兩雄相持，天下之重，在於將軍。將軍若欲有為，起乘其弊可也；若不然，固將擇所從。將軍擁十萬之眾，安坐而觀望。夫見賢而不能助，請和而不得，此兩怨必集於將軍，將軍不得中立矣。夫以曹公之明哲，天下賢俊皆歸之，其勢必舉袁紹，然後稱兵以向江漢，恐將軍不能御也。故為將軍計者，不若舉州以附曹公，曹公必重德將軍；長享福祚，垂之後嗣，此萬全之策也。」

• 諸葛亮：「曹操智計，殊絕於人，其用兵也，仿佛孫、吳。」「曹操五攻昌霸不下，四越巢湖不成，任用李服而李服圖之，委夏侯而夏侯敗亡，先帝每稱操為能，猶有此失」（《三國志·蜀書·諸葛亮傳第五》）

• 王沈：「太祖御軍三十餘年，手不舍書。書則講武策，夜則思經傳。登高必賦，及造新詩，被之管弦，皆成樂章。」（《魏書》）

• 陳琳為袁紹所作檄文：「歷觀古今書籍所載，貪殘虐烈無道之臣，於操為甚。」

• 李瓚：「時將亂矣，天下英雄無過曹操。」

• 鮑信：「夫略不世出，能總英雄以撥亂反正者，君也。」

• 涼茂：「曹公憂國家之危敗，愍百姓之苦毒，率義兵為天下誅殘賊，功高而德廣，可謂無二矣。」

後人評價

• 陳壽：「漢末，天下大亂，雄豪並起，而袁紹虎踞四州，強盛莫敵。太祖武皇帝運籌演謀，鞭撻宇內，攬申不害、商鞅之法術，該白起、韓信之奇策，官方授材，各因其器，矯情任算，不念舊惡，終能總御皇機，克成洪業者，惟其明略最優也。抑可謂非常之人，超世之傑矣。」（《三國志·魏書·武帝紀》）

• 陳壽：「初，太祖性忌，有所不堪者，魯國孔融、南陽許攸、婁圭，皆以恃舊不虔見誅。而琰最為世所痛惜，至今冤之。」

• 崔鴻《前涼錄》曰：「張茂謂馬岌曰：『劉曜自古可誰等輩也？』」岌謂曰：『曹孟德之流。』茂默然。岌曰：『孟德公族也，劉曜戎狄，難易不同。曜殆過之。』茂曰：『曜可方呂布、關羽，而雲孟德不及，豈不過哉？』岌曰：「孟德挾天子，令諸侯，仗大義，討不庭；曜一卒胡人，用烏合之眾，而能建威成大逆，天下莫之當，其不優歟！』茂曰：『天生胡以滅中國，殆不可以人事論也。』」

• 孫楚：「太祖承運，神武應期，征討暴亂，克寧區夏；協建靈符，天命既集，遂廓弘基，奄有魏域。」

• 裴松之：「魏太祖雖機變無方，略不世出，安有以數千之兵，而得逾時相抗者哉？」

• 陸機：「曹氏雖功濟諸華，虐亦深矣，其民怨矣。」（《辨亡論》）

• 潘安：「魏武赫以霆震，奉義辭以伐叛，彼雖眾其焉用，故制勝于廟算。」

• 劉淵：「大丈夫當為漢高、魏武，呼韓邪何足效哉！」

• 梅陶讚陶侃像曹操「機神明鑒」

• 王導：「昔魏武，達政之主也；荀文若，功臣之最也。」

• 垣榮祖：「昔曹操、曹丕上馬橫槊，下馬談論，此于天下可不負飲矣！」

• 鐘嶸：「曹公古直，甚有悲涼之句。」

• 張輔：「武帝為張繡所困，挺身逃遁，以喪二子也；然其忌克，安忍無親：董公仁賈文和，恆以佯愚自免；荀文若楊德祖之徒；多見賊害；行兵三十餘年，無不親征；功臣謀士，曾無列土之封；仁愛不加親戚；惠澤不流百姓。」（《藝文類聚卷二十二》）

• 張悌：「曹操雖功蓋中夏，威震四海；崇詐權術，征伐無已！民畏其威而不懷其德也。」

• 張鼎：「君不見漢家失統三靈變，魏武爭雄六龍戰。蕩海吞江制中國，回天運斗應南面。隱隱都城紫陌開，迢迢分野黃星見。流年不駐漳河水，明月俄終鄴國宴。文章猶入管弦新，帷座空銷狐兔塵。可惜望陵歌舞處，松風四面暮愁人。」

• 張說：「君不見魏武草創爭天祿，群雄睚眥相馳逐。晝攜壯士破堅陣，夜接詞人賦華屋。都邑繚繞西山陽，桑榆汗漫漳河曲。城郭為墟人代改，但有西園明月在。鄴傍高塚多貴臣，娥眉曼睩共灰塵。試上銅台歌舞處，唯有秋風愁殺人。」

• 王勃：「魏武用兵，仿佛孫吳。臨敵制奇，鮮有喪敗，故能東禽狡布，北走強袁，破黃巾于壽張，斬眭固于射犬。援戈北指，蹋頓懸顱；擁旆南臨，劉琮束手。振威烈而清中夏，挾天子以令諸侯，信超然之雄傑矣。」

• 魏元忠：「魏武之綱神冠絕，猶依法孫、吳，假有項籍之氣，袁紹之基，而皆泯智任情，終以破滅，何況複出其下哉！」

• 朱敬則：「觀曹公明銳權略，神變不窮，兵折而意不衰，在危而聽不惑，臨事決機，舉無遺悔，近古以來，未之有也。」；「昔魏太祖兵鋒無敵，神機獨行，大戰五十六，九州靜七八，百姓與能，天下慕德，猶且翼戴弱主，尊獎漢室。」

• 趙蕤：「運籌演謀，鞭撻宇內，北破袁紹，南虜劉琮，東舉公孫康，西夷張魯，九州百郡，十並其八，志績未究，中世而殞。」

• 穆修：「惟帝之雄，使天濟其勇尚延數年之位，豈強吳、庸蜀之不平！」

• 石勒：「大丈夫行事，當磊磊落落，如日月皎然，終不能如曹孟德、司馬仲達父子，欺他孤兒寡婦，狐媚以取天下也。」（《晉書·載記第五·石勒下》）

• 崔浩：「劉裕平逆亂，司馬德宗之曹操也。」（《資治通鑑·卷一百一十八·晉紀四十》）

• 習鑿齒：「昔齊桓公一矜其功而叛者九國，曹操暫自驕伐而天下三分，皆勤之於數十年之內而棄之於俯仰之頃，豈不惜乎！是以君子勞謙日昃，慮以下人，功高而居之以上，勢尊而守之以卑。情近於物，故雖貴而人不厭其重；德洽群生，故業廣而天下愈欣其慶。夫然，故能有其富貴，保其功業，隆顯當時，傳福百世，何驕矜之有哉！君子是以知曹操之不能遂兼天下者也。」（《漢晉春秋》）

• 李世民對曹操用兵才能評價：「臨危制變，料敵設奇，一將之智有餘，萬乘之才不足。」（《資治通鑑/卷197》）「帝以雄武之姿，當艱難之運，棟梁之任，同乎曩時，匡正之功，異於往代。觀沈溺而不拯，視顛覆而不持，乖徇國之情，有無君之跡。既而三分肇慶，黃星之應久彰；卜主啟期，真人之運斯屬。其天意也，豈人事乎！」（《全唐文·卷十·祭魏太祖文》），又對曹操品德評價：「朕常以魏武帝多詭詐，深鄙其為人。」（《貞觀政要》）

• 虞世南：「曹公兵機智算，殆難與敵，故能肇跡開基，居中作相，實有英雄之才矣。然譎詭不常，雄猜多忌，至于殺伏後，鴆荀或，誅孔融，戮崔琰，婁生斃于一言，桓邵勞于下拜，棄德任刑，其虐已甚，坐論西伯，實非其人。許劭所謂『治世之能臣，亂世之奸雄』，斯言為當。」（《長短經》卷二）

• 劉知幾：「賊殺母后，幽迫主上，罪百田常，禍千王莽。」（《史通•探賾篇》）

• 元稹：「劉虞不敢作天子，曹瞞篡亂從此始」（《董逃行》）

• 蘇洵：「項籍有取天下之才，而無取天下之慮；曹操有取天下之慮，而無取天下之量；玄德有取天下之量，而無取天下之才。」

• 蘇軾：「世之稱人豪者，才氣各有高卑，然皆以臨難不懼，談笑就死為雄。操以病亡，子孫滿前，而咿嬰涕泣，留連妾婦，分香賣履，區處衣物，平生奸偽，死見真性。世以成敗論人物，故操得在英雄之列。而公見謂才疏意廣，豈不悲哉！操平生畏劉備，而備以公知天下有己為喜，天若胙漢，公使備，備誅操無難也。」（《孔北海贊》）

• 王安石：「青山為浪入漳州，銅雀台西八九丘。螻蟻往還空壟畝，麒麟埋沒幾春秋。功名蓋世知誰是，氣力回天到此休。何必地中餘故物，魏公諸子分衣裘。」

• 司馬光：「知人善任，難眩以偽。識拔奇才，不拘微賤；隨能任使，皆獲其用。與敵對陣，意思安閒，如不欲戰然；及至決機乘勝，氣勢盈溢。勳勞宜賞，不吝千金；無功望施，分毫不與。用法峻急，有犯必戮，或對之流涕，然終無所赦。雅性節儉，不好華麗。故能芟刈群雄，幾平海內。」（《資治通鑒》）

• 何去非：「曹公逡巡獨以其智起而應之，奮盈萬之旅，北摧袁紹而定燕、冀；合三縣之眾，東擒呂布而收濟袞；蹙袁術于淮左，徬徨無歸，遂以奔死。而曹公智畫之出，常若有餘，而不少困。彼之所謂勢與勇者，一旦潰敗，皆不勝支。然後天下始服曹公之為無敵，而以袁、呂為不足恃也。至于彼之任勢與力，及夫各挾智勇之不全者，亦皆知曹公之獨以智強而未易敵也，故常內憚而共蹙之。」；「言兵無若孫武，用兵無若韓信、曹公。」

• 元好問：「曹劉坐嘯虎生風，四海無人角兩雄。」（《論詩絕句》）

• 朱熹：「曹操作詩必說周公，如云：『山不厭高，水不厭深；周公吐哺，天下歸心！』又，苦寒行云：『悲彼東山詩。』他也是做得箇賊起，不惟竊國之柄，和聖人之法也竊了！」（《朱子語類‧論文下》）

• 胡三省：「操蓋已棄武都而不有矣。諸氐散居秦川，苻氏亂華自此始。」

• 洪皓：「長笑袁本初，妄意清君側。垂頭返官渡，奇禍憐幕客。曹公走熙尚，氣欲陵韓白。欺取計已成，軍容漫輝赫。跨漳築大城，勞民屈群策，北雖破烏丸，南亦困赤壁。八荒思併吞，二國盡勍敵。四陵寄遺恨，講武存陳跡。雉堞逐塵飛，濁流深莫測。回首銅雀台，鼓吹喧黽蟈。」

• 鐘惺：「鄴則鄴城水漳水，定有異人從此起。雄謀韻事與文心，君臣兄弟而父子。英雄未有俗胸中，出沒豈隨人眼底？功首罪魁非兩人，遺臭流芳本一身。文章有神霸有氣，豈能苟爾化為群？橫流築台距太行，氣與理勢相低昂。安有斯人不作逆，小不為霸大不王？霸王降作兒女鳴，無可奈何中不平。向帳明知非有益，分香未可謂無情。嗚呼！古人作事無巨細，寂寞豪華皆有意。書生輕議塚中人，塚中笑爾書生氣！」

• 張溥：「孟德瑞應黃星，志窺漢鼎，世遂謂梁沛真人，天下莫敵；究其初，一名孝廉也……孟德奮跳，當塗大振，易漢而魏，雖附會曹參，難洗宗恥……孟德御軍三十餘年，手不捨書，兼草書亞崔、張，音樂比桓、蔡，圍棋埒王、郭；復好養性，解方藥。周公所謂多材多藝，孟德誠有之。使彼不稱王謀篡，獲與周旋，畫講武策，夜論經傳；或登高賦詩，被之管絃。又觀其射飛鳥，擒猛獸，殆可終身忘老，乃竟甘心作賊者，謂時不我容耳。漢末名人，文有孔融，武有呂布，孟德實兼其長；此兩人不死，殺孟德有餘。《述志》一令，似乎欺人，未嘗不抽序心腹，慨當以慷也。」（《漢魏六朝百三家集·魏武帝集題辭》）

• 羅貫中：「雄哉魏太祖，天下掃狼煙。動靜皆存智，高低善用賢。長驅百萬眾，親注《十三篇》。豪傑同時起，誰人敢贈鞭？」（《三國志通俗演義》）

• 蔡東藩：「曹操為亂世奸雄，乘機逐鹿，智略過人。袁紹袁術諸徒，皆不足與操比，遑論一張繡乎？乃宛城既下，遽為一孀婦所迷，流連忘返，幾至身死繡手，坐隳前功。董卓之死也，釁由婦人﹔操之不死於婦人之手，蓋亦僅耳！（《後漢演義》）

• 陳祚明：「孟德天分甚高，因緣所至，成此功業。」

• 黃摩西：「魏武雄才大略，草創英雄中，亦當占上座；雖好用權謀，然從古英雄，豈有全不用權謀而成事者？」

• 魯迅：「曹操是一個很有本事的人，至少是一個英雄。我雖不是曹操一黨，但無論如何，總是非常佩服他。」

• 毛澤東：「曹操是了不起的政治家、軍事家，也是個了不起的詩人…曹操統一中國北方，創立魏國。他改革了東漢的許多惡政，抑制豪強，發展生產，實行屯田制，還督促開荒，推行法治，提倡節儉，使遭受大破壞的社會開始穩定、恢復、發展。」；「大雨落幽燕，白浪滔天，秦皇島外打魚船。一片汪洋都不見，知向誰邊？往事越千年，魏武揮鞭，東臨碣石有遺篇。蕭瑟秋風今又是，換了人間。」（《浪淘沙·北戴河》）

• 范文瀾：「他是撥亂世的英雄，所以表現在文學上，悲涼慷慨，氣魄雄豪。」

• 費正清、崔瑞德：「給予漢王朝的致命一擊卻留給了中國曆史上最引人注目的人物之一的曹操。曹操出身微賤，是大詩人、大戰略家，也是現實主義的政治思想家；他反對儒家的禮儀和道德束縛。」（《劍橋中國秦漢史》）

• 申靖夏：「魏武得荊州，與荀彧書曰，不喜得荊州，喜得蒯異度耳。異度卽越字也，越蓋通後也，魏武之能急士如此。其得志天下宜哉。」，「沮授，田豐之智謀，不在荀彧，郭嘉下。使紹而能用其言，魏武未必得志於天下，然紹不徒不能用，又從而殺之，一似項羽之於范增。二人者蓋亦有昧擇木之罪焉。東坡論范增，陋其欲依羽成功，吾於授，豐亦云。」，「魏武之欲易儲也，毛玠諫曰，近者袁紹以嫡庶不分，覆宗滅國。其問賈詡也，詡不答。魏武曰，有問而不答何也。詡曰，適有所思耳。魏武曰，何思也。詡曰，思袁本初，劉景升父子耳。蓋玠則正諫，而詡則以諷也。當玠之有言也，魏武雖曰吾之周昌。而其意猶未已。及聞詡之對，則笑而遂無易太子之志。此則諷諫之易入而正諫之難入也。其後玠坐微事，終身廢放，而詡則厚遇加昔，此則正與諷之利害也。」（《恕菴集·卷16·雜記·評史》）

• 余秋雨：「曹植固然構築了一個美艷的精神別苑，而曹操的詩，則是礁石上的銅鑄鐵澆。」

家庭成員

祖父輩

• 曹騰（100年－159年），東漢宦官，為小黃門，遷至中常侍。桓帝即位，曹騰封費亭侯，遷大長秋，加位特進。曹操的父親曹嵩是他的養子。

• 曹褒，潁川太守，曹仁祖父。

父輩

• 曹嵩（？－193年），曹操的父親，宦官中常侍、大長秋曹騰的養子，出錢一億萬買官至太尉。曹操起兵後，避世於徐州，後來因曹操曾數擊陶謙，陶謙使輕騎殺曹嵩、曹德於郡界。也有說法認為他們是被陶謙手下張闓貪財殺害。曹丕稱帝後，追尊曹嵩為太皇帝。

• 曹熾，侍中、長水校尉。曹褒之子，曹仁、曹純之父。

• 曹鼎，尚書令、河間相、吳郡太守 。曹洪伯父，曹休祖父。

弟

• 曹德（？－193年），太尉曹嵩之子。曹操之弟。曹操起兵後，避世於徐州，曹操曾數擊陶謙，陶謙使輕騎殺曹嵩、曹德於郡界。

• 海陽哀侯，曹操弟，名不詳。其女嫁夏侯淵之子夏侯衡。

• 曹彬，曹操弟。是曹操之子曹均的養父。

• 曹操弟，名不詳，其子曹安民。

• 曹操弟，名不詳，其女嫁孫堅之子孫匡。

堂兄弟

• 夏侯惇（？－220年）：字元讓，初為奮武將軍司馬，建安十二年（207年）封邑2500戶。官至大將軍，封高安鄉侯。死後謚為忠侯，其七子二孫皆為關內侯。青龍元年（233年）入太祖廟庭，配享祭祀。其子夏侯楙娶曹操之女清河公主。

• 夏侯淵（？－219年）：字妙才，惇之族弟，其妻為曹操原配夫人丁氏之妹，有記載的活動期間為189年-219年。初為別部司馬、騎都尉。建安廿一年（216年）封邑800戶。官至征西將軍，封博昌亭侯。建安廿四年（219年）死于與劉備、黃忠的爭奪漢中的戰役，死後謚為愍侯。正始四年（243年）在太祖廟庭，享祭祀。其子夏侯衡娶曹操弟海陽哀侯之女。

• 曹仁（168－223年）：字子孝，太祖從弟，祖父曹褒曾任穎川太守，父親曹熾曾任侍中、長水校尉。初為別部司馬，行厲鋒校尉權。建安廿五年（220年）封邑3500戶，封陳侯。文帝年間官至大將軍。死後謚為忠侯。青龍元年（233年）入太祖廟庭，配享祭祀。

• 曹純（170－210年）：字子和，曹仁之弟，初為議郎，後統領虎豹騎。約建安十二年（207年）封邑300戶，封高陵亭侯，死後謚為威侯。

• 曹洪（？－232年）：字子廉，太祖從弟，伯父曹鼎曾為尚書令。初為鷹揚校尉。黃初年間，封邑2100戶。官至驃騎將軍，封樂城侯。死後謚為恭侯。正始四年（243年）在太祖廟庭，享祭祀。

妻妾

曹操正妻及側室，據《魏志·后妃傳》及《武文世王公傳》，可考者有15位：

• 丁夫人，曹操的原配正室夫人，因曹昂之死而與曹操反目，曹操曾欲迎回而不可得。

• 武宣皇后，即卞氏，丁夫人被廢後才扶正，生有曹丕、曹彰、曹植、曹熊四子。

• 劉夫人，曹操之妾，早年病亡，生有曹昂、曹鑠兩子，女兒清河公主。

• 環夫人，曹操之妾，生有三個兒子曹沖、曹據、曹宇。

• 杜夫人，曹操之妾。和前夫秦宜祿生有兒子秦朗。和曹操生有兒子曹林、曹袞，女兒金鄉公主。

• 秦夫人，曹操之妾，生有曹玹、曹峻二子。

• 尹夫人，曹操之妾。和前夫何咸生有兒子何晏，和曹操生有曹矩一子。

• 王昭儀，曹操之妾，曹幹生母早卒，曹操命其撫養。

• 孫姬，曹操之妾，生有曹上、曹彪、曹勤三子。

• 李姬，曹操之妾，生有曹乘、曹整、曹京三子。

• 周姬，曹操之妾，生有曹均一子。

• 劉姬，曹操之妾，生有曹棘一子。

• 宋姬，曹操之妾，生有曹徽一子。

• 趙姬，曹操之妾，生有曹茂一子。

• 陳妾，曹操之妾，生有曹幹一子。

• 張濟妻，張繡族叔之妻，曹操納為妾室後，引張繡所恨。

其他

• 來鶯兒，野史記載，東漢雒陽之名妓，後愛上曹操的侍衛王圖。

兒子

據《魏志·文帝紀》、《任城陳蕭王傳》、《武文世王公傳》，曹操的兒子有25位，因列傳順序是按母親地位而非長幼，故總體次序不可考，僅知同一母下的排序：

• 曹昂（？ - 197年），劉夫人長子，曹操庶長子，但是由曹操原配丁氏撫養長大，年輕時曾舉孝廉。因張繡反叛而死于戰亂之中。被二弟曹丕追尊為豐悼公，後又追加尊為豐悼王。

• 曹丕（187年 - 226年），卞皇后長子，220年稱帝為魏文帝。

• 曹彰（189年 - 223年），卞皇后次子，綽號「黃鬚兒」，為一勇將，曾經大破代郡烏桓，223年封任城王。

• 曹植（192年 - 232年），卞皇后三子，擅長文學，曾作《洛神賦》。雖然得到曹操寵愛，但是與其兄曹丕爭位失敗，從此在政治上無從施展抱負，223年封雍丘王，232年封陳王。

• 曹熊（？ - ？），卞皇后四子，早薨。

• 曹鑠（？ - ？），劉夫人次子，早薨。侄魏明帝曹叡後追封其為殤王。有子曹潛及孫曹偃，曹偃死後絕子嗣。

• 曹沖（196年 - 208年），環夫人長子，為著名神童，13歲時便夭折而亡。

• 曹據（？ - ？），環夫人次子，太和六年（232年）封為彭城王。

• 曹宇（？ - 278年），環夫人三子，太和六年（232年）封為燕王，魏元帝曹奐之父。

• 曹林（？ - 256年），杜夫人長子，太和六年（232年）封為沛王。

• 曹袞（？ - 235年），杜夫人次子，太和六年（232年）封為中山王。臨終病重時魏明帝曹叡對其愛護備至，死後又獲厚葬。

• 曹玹（？ - ？），秦夫人長子，建安十六年（211年）封為西鄉侯。

• 曹峻（？ - 259年），秦夫人次子太和六年（232年）封為陳留王。

• 曹矩（？ - ？），尹夫人獨子，早薨。

• 曹幹（214年 - 261年），生母陳氏去世，由王夫人撫養，太和六年（232年）封為趙王。

• 曹上（？ - ？），孫姬長子，早薨。

• 曹彪（195年 - 251年），孫姬次子，太和六年（232年）封為楚王。嘉平三年（251年）與太尉王凌謀反事洩，被賜死。

• 曹勤（？ - ？），孫姬三子，早薨。

• 曹乘（？ - ？），李姬長子，早薨。

• 曹整（？ - 218年），李姬次子，建安廿二年（217年）封為郿侯。

• 曹京（？ - ？），李姬三子，早薨。

• 曹均（？ - 219年），周姬獨子，建安廿二年（217年）封為樊侯。

• 曹棘（？ - ？），劉姬獨子，早薨。

• 曹徽（？ - 241年），宋姬獨子，太和六年（232年）封為東平王。

• 曹茂（？ - ？），趙姬獨子，與曹操及曹丕不和，太和六年（232年）封為曲陽王。

女兒

曹操的女兒，可考証者6位，及其相關史書：

• 曹憲（？ - ？），漢獻帝貴人。（《後漢書·皇后紀下》）

• 曹節（？ - 260年），漢獻帝皇后。（《後漢書·皇后紀下》、《後漢書·孝獻帝紀》）

• 曹華（？ - ？），漢獻帝貴人。（《後漢書·皇后紀下》）

• 安陽公主（？ - ？），名不詳，為荀惲之妻。（《魏志·荀彧傳》）。她的兒子荀霬娶晉武帝姑母南陽公主。

• 金鄉公主（？ - ？），名不詳，尹夫人或杜夫人之女，何晏之妻。（《魏志·曹真傳》引《魏末傳》）

• 清河公主（？ - ？），名不詳，夏侯楙之妻。（《魏志·夏侯惇傳》引《魏略》）

另《昭明文選》陸機《吊魏武文》李善注引《魏略》曰：太祖杜夫人生沛王豹及高城公主。未知高城公主與金鄉公主是否一人。

侄輩

• 曹安民，曹操之侄，因為張繡反叛而死於戰亂之中。

• 曹休（？－228年）：字文烈，太祖族子，其祖父曾為吳郡太守。十餘歲時，父死，獨與一家僕攜母親渡江至吳。曹操起兵，變更姓名，輾轉荊州，以投奔曹操。初為虎豹騎宿衛。黃初七年（226年）封邑2500戶。官至大司馬，封長平侯。死後謚為壯侯。正始四年（243年）在太祖廟庭，享祭祀。

• 曹氏，曹操弟海陽哀侯（名不詳）女，嫁夏侯衡。

• 曹氏，曹操侄女，嫁孫匡。

養子

曹操的養子，可考証者3位：

• 曹真（？－231年）：字子丹，太祖養子，其父曹邵為曹操招兵被人所殺。《魏略》中說其本姓秦，其父為掩護曹操，為追兵所殺，曹操收養真，改其姓為曹。初講虎豹騎。太和三年（229年）封邑2900戶。官至大司馬，封邵陵侯。死後謚號為元侯。子曹爽

• 秦朗（？－？），曹操養子，曹叡的近臣。生父秦宜祿為張飛所殺。母為曹操之妾杜夫人。

• 何晏（?－249年），大將軍何進孫，曹操的養子、女婿，三國時期玄學家。父何咸早亡，母為曹操之妾尹夫人。

後裔

• 曹霸：高貴鄉公曹髦後人，唐玄宗時期畫家，能文善畫，官至左武衛將軍，杜甫作有《丹青引》及《觀曹將軍畫馬圖》二詩，表達對其畫藝的贊嘆。

• 曹雪芹：清朝小說家，中國四大名著《紅樓夢》的作者。

民間藝術

三國演義

《三國演義》是中國歷史小說中出類拔萃的長篇巨著。此作塑造了眾多形象鮮明且生動的人物，其中曹操是《三國演義》中塑造得最為成功的人物之一，他的性格既豐富又矛盾。他既是智謀機警，志大才高的英雄；同時又是一奸詐狡猾，嗜血殘忍之奸雄。曹操因而被評為「古今奸雄中的第一奇人」。羅貫中對曹操這一矛盾形象的雕塑非常深刻，擺脫了早期小說中人物形象性格單一化、平面化的缺陷。毛宗崗稱其為「三絕」之「奸絕」。

熟語

• 望梅止渴，出自劉義慶筆記小說《世說新語·假譎》

• 說曹操，曹操到

戲劇

京劇裡的曹操是以白臉的形象來表示他奸詐狡猾、詭計多端的反面人物，與黑臉包公或紅臉關公相對。

漫畫

日本漫畫家王欣太漫畫作品《蒼天航路》以曹操為主角。另外，在《火鳳燎原》（陳某）、《超三國志霸》（池上遼一）、《天地吞食》（本宮宏志）、《龍狼傳》（山原義人）、《曹操孟德正傳》（大西巷一）等，曹操也都作為一名主要角色出場。

遊戲

• 真·三國無雙系列

• 三國志

• 王者榮耀

• 三國群英傳系列

• 幻想三國志II

• 神魔之塔

• 三國殺

• 萬國覺醒

• 朕的江山（普通，SP和特殊）

動畫

• 三國志

• 三國演義

• 橫山光輝三國志

• 蒼天航路

電影

電視劇

注釋

Early life

Cao Cao was born in Qiao, Principality of Pei (present-day Bozhou, Anhui), in 155. His father Cao Song was a foster son of Cao Teng, who in turn was one of the favourite eunuchs of Emperor Huan. Some historical records, including the Biography of Cao Man, claim that Cao Song's original family name was Xiahou and that he was thus a relative of Xiahou Dun.

Cao was known for his craftiness as an adolescent. According to the Biography of Cao Man, Cao Cao's uncle complained to Cao Song about Cao Cao's indulgence in hunting and music with Yuan Shao. In retaliation, Cao Cao feigned a fit before his uncle, who immediately rushed to inform Cao Song. When Cao Song went to see his son, Cao Cao behaved normally. When asked, Cao Cao replied, "I have never had a fit, but I lost the love of my uncle, and therefore he deceived you." Afterwards, Cao Song ceased to believe his brother regarding Cao Cao, and thus Cao Cao became even more blatant and insistent in his wayward pursuits.

At that time, there was a man named Xu Shao who lived in Runan and was famous for his ability to evaluate a person's potentials and talents. Cao Cao paid him a visit in hopes of receiving an evaluation that would help him politically. At first, Xu Shao refused to make a statement; however, under persistent questioning, he finally said, "You would be a capable minister in peaceful times and an unscrupulous hero in chaotic times." Cao Cao laughed and left. There are two other versions of this comment in other unofficial historical records.

Early career and Yellow Turban Rebellion (175–188)

At the age of 20, Cao Cao was appointed district captain of Luoyang. Upon taking up the post, he placed rows of multicolored stakes outside his office and ordered his deputies to flog those who violated the law, regardless of their status. An uncle of Jian Shuo, one of the most powerful and influential eunuchs under Emperor Ling, was caught walking in the city after the evening curfew by Cao Cao's men and was flogged. This prompted Jian Shuo and other higher authorities to ostensibly promote Cao Cao to the post of governor of Dunqiu County while actually moving him out of the imperial capital. Cao Cao remained in this position for little more than a year, being dismissed from office in 178 for his distant family ties with the disgraced Empress Song. Around 180, Cao Cao returned to court as a Consultant (議郎) and presented two memoranda against the eunuchs' influence in court and government corruption during his tenure, to limited effect.

When the Yellow Turban Rebellion broke out in 184, Cao Cao was recalled to Luoyang and appointed Captain of the Cavalry (騎都尉) and sent to Yingchuan in Yu Province to suppress the rebels. He was successful and was sent to Jinan as Chancellor (相) to prevent the spread of Yellow Turban influence there. In Jinan, Cao Cao aggressively enforced the ban on unorthodox cults, destroyed shrines, and supported state Confucianism. He offended the local leading families in the process, and resigned on grounds of poor health around 187, fearing that he had put his family in danger. He was offered the post of Administrator of Dong Commandery (東郡), but he declined and returned to his home in Pei County. Around that time, Wang Fen (王芬) tried to recruit Cao Cao to join his coup to replace Emperor Ling with the Marquis of Hefei, but Cao Cao refused. The plot came to nothing, and Wang Fen killed himself.

Alliance against Dong Zhuo (189–191)

After 18 months in retirement, Cao Cao returned to the capital Luoyang in 188. That year, he was appointed Colonel Who Arranges the Army (典軍校尉), fourth of eight heads of a newly established imperial army, the Army of the Western Garden. The effectiveness of this new force was never tested, since it was disbanded the very next year.

In 189, Emperor Ling died and was succeeded by his eldest son (Emperor Shao), although state power was mainly controlled by Empress Dowager He and her advisors. The empress dowager's brother, General-in-Chief He Jin, plotted with Yuan Shao to eliminate the Ten Attendants (a group of influential eunuchs in the imperial court). He Jin summoned Dong Zhuo, a seasoned general of Liang Province, to lead an army into Luoyang to pressure the empress dowager to surrender power, braving accusations of Dong's "infamy". But before Dong Zhuo arrived, He Jin was assassinated by the eunuchs and Luoyang was thrown into chaos as Yuan Shao's supporters fought the eunuchs. Dong Zhuo's army easily rid the palace grounds of opposition. After he deposed Emperor Shao, Dong Zhuo placed the puppet Emperor Xian on the throne, since he deemed that Emperor Xian was more capable than the original puppet Emperor Shao.

After rejecting Dong Zhuo's offer of appointment, Cao Cao left Luoyang for Chenliu (southeast of present-day Kaifeng, Henan, Cao's hometown), where he built an army. The next year, regional warlords formed a military alliance under Yuan Shao against Dong. Cao Cao joined them, becoming one of the few active fighting members of the coalition. Although the warlords liberated the capital of Luoyang, Dong Zhuo's court managed to flee westwards to the former capital of Chang'an, abducting Emperor Xian. The coalition fell apart after months of inactivity, and China fell into civil war while Dong Zhuo was killed in 192 by Lü Bu.

Carving a territory (191–199)

Conquest of Yan Province (191–195)

Through short-term and regional-scale wars, Cao Cao continued to expand his power. In 191, Cao Cao was appointed Administrator of Dong commandery (Dongjun) in Chenliu. This happened after he successfully fought against the bandit chieftain Bo Rao, and Yuan Shao named him Administrator in the stead of the ineffectual Wang Hong. He cleared Dong of bandits, and when the Inspector of Yan Province Liu Dai died the following year, he was invited by Bao Xun and other officers to become the Governor of Yan Province, and deal with an uprising of Yellow Turbans in Qing Province who raided Yan. Despite several setbacks, Cao Cao managed to subdue the rebels by the end of 192, likely through negotiations, and added their 30,000 troops to his army. In early 193, Cao Cao and Yuan Shao fought against the latter's cousin Yuan Shu in several battles such as Fengqiu, driving him away to the River Huai.

Cao Cao's father Cao Song was killed in autumn 193 by troops of Tao Qian, governor of Xu Province (who claimed to be innocent, and that Cao Song's murderers had been mutineers). Enraged, Cao Cao massacred thousands of civilians in Xu during two punitive expeditions in 193 and 194, to avenge his father. Because he took the bulk of his soldiers to Xu Province in order to defeat Tao Qian, most of his territory was left undefended. A number of discontented officers led by Chen Gong and Zhang Chao plotted to rebel. They convinced Zhang Miao (Zhang Chao's brother) to be their leader, and to ask Lü Bu to come with reinforcements. Chen Gong invited Lü Bu to be the new Inspector of Yan province. Lü Bu accepted this invitation and led his soldiers into the province. Since Cao Cao's army was away, many of the local commanders figured that fighting would be a lost cause and surrendered to Lü Bu as soon as he arrived. However three counties – Juancheng, Dong'a, and Fan, remained loyal to Cao Cao and when Cao Cao returned, he gathered his own forces at Juancheng.

Throughout 194 and 195, Cao Cao and Lü Bu fought several battles of some size for the control of Yan Province. Though Lü Bu initially did well in holding Puyang, Cao Cao won almost every engagement outside of Puyang. Cao Cao's decisive victory came in a battle near Dongming. Lü Bu and Chen Gong led a large army to assault Cao Cao's forces. At that time, Cao Cao was out with a small army, harvesting grain. Seeing Lü Bu and Chen Gong approaching, Cao Cao hid his soldiers in some woods and behind a dam. He then sent a small force ahead to skirmish with Lü Bu's army. Once the two forces were committed, he unleashed his hidden soldiers. Lü Bu's army was devastated by this attack and many of his soldiers fled.

Lü Bu and Chen Gong both fled after that battle. Since Xu province was now under Liu Bei's command and Liu Bei had been Cao Cao's enemy in the past, they fled to Xu for safety. Cao Cao decided not to pursue them and instead set about crushing Lü Bu's loyalists in Yan, consolidating his hold over that province. Eighteen months after the rebellion started, Cao had destroyed Zhang Miao and his family, and regained Yan Province by the end of 195.

Securing the emperor (196)

Cao Cao moved his headquarters in early 196 from Puyang to Xu City (許, present-day Xuchang), where he built military agricultural colonies for the settlement of refugees and supply of food for his troops.

Around August 196, Emperor Xian returned to Luoyang under the escort of Yang Feng and Dong Cheng. Cao Cao joined Emperor Xian in autumn 196 and convinced him to move the capital to Xu City as suggested by Xun Yu and other advisors, as Luoyang was ruined by war and Chang'an was not under Cao's military control. He was appointed Minister of Works (after negotiating with his nominal superior Yuan Shao), and Director of Retainers (司隸 Sīlì), granting him nominal control over Sili Province. Furthermore, he became General-in-Chief (大將軍) and Marquis of Wuping (武平侯), though both titles had little practical application. While some viewed the emperor as a puppet under Cao Cao's control, Cao adhered to a strict personal code until his death that he would not usurp the throne. When he was approached by his advisors to overthrow the Han dynasty and start his own dynasty, he replied, "If heaven bestows such a fate upon me, let me be King Wen of Zhou."

To maintain a good relationship with Yuan Shao, who had become the most powerful warlord in China when he united the northern four provinces, Cao Cao lobbied to have Yuan appointed Minister of Works. However, this had the opposite effect, as Yuan Shao believed that Cao Cao was trying to humiliate him, since Minister of Works technically ranked lower than General-in-Chief, and therefore refused to accept the title. To pacify Yuan Shao, Cao Cao offered his own position to him, while becoming Minister of Works himself. While this temporarily resolved the conflict, it was the catalyst for the Battle of Guandu later.

Battling Zhang Xiu, Yuan Shu, and Lü Bu (197–198)

Liu Biao was a major power at that time, holding all of Jing province. Jing had always been prosperous, but it had grown in size because many people fled from the northern wars and sought refuge there. Therefore, Liu Biao constituted a danger to Cao Cao. Zhang Xiu commanded Liu Biao's territory on the border with Cao Cao, so Cao Cao went to attack him. In early 197 Zhang Xiu surrendered to Cao Cao, but later attacked his camp in the night (the Battle of Wancheng), killing many people, including Cao Cao's son Cao Ang, and forcing Cao Cao to flee.

After taking a few months to recover, Cao Cao turned his attention to Yuan Shu, who had recently proclaimed himself emperor of his new Zhong dynasty. In the name of restoring the Han dynasty, Cao Cao and other warlords formed a coalition against Yuan Shu, and Cao Cao seized all Yuan Shu's holdings north of the Huai River in the autumn of 197, while the latter's remaining territory suffered drought and a bad harvest, further decreasing his power.

Later in 197, Cao Cao returned south to attack Liu Biao/Zhang Xiu once more. This time, Cao Cao was very successful and greatly damaged their army. Cao Cao attacked Zhang Xiu again in 198 leading to the Battle of Rangcheng and was again victorious. He ultimately retreated from this campaign because he received word that Yuan Shao was planning to march on Xu, though this report turned out to be in error.

In April 198, Cao Cao sent envoys to incite the western warlords to attack Chang'an, still controlled by Dong Zhuo's successor Li Jue. One of Li Jue's subordinates, Duan Wei (段煨), mutinied and killed Li Jue along with his family in the summer of 198. Duan Wei sent Li Jue's head to Xu City (as a token of his submission to Cao Cao).

Meanwhile, Lü Bu was growing more aggressive. He drove Liu Bei (who fled to Cao Cao) out of his territory again and allied with Yuan Shu. Since Zhang Xiu had recently been crushed, he was in no position to be a threat in the south, so Cao Cao went east to deal with Lü Bu.

Conquest of Xu and Yu Provinces (199)

Cao Cao defeated Lü Bu in numerous battles and eventually surrounded him at Xiapi. Lü Bu tried to break free but could not do so. Ultimately, many of his officers and soldiers defected to Cao Cao. Some were kidnapped by defectors. Lü Bu grew disheartened and surrendered to Cao Cao, who executed him on 7 February 199. By eliminating Lü Bu, Cao had obtained effective control of Xu Province.

With Lü Bu gone, Cao Cao set about dealing with Yuan Shu. He sent Liu Bei and Zhu Ling south to attack Yuan Shu. However, the rebel emperor died in the summer of 199 before Liu Bei and the others arrived. This meant Cao Cao had no major opponents in the Huai River region (Yu Province) anymore either. Meanwhile, in March 199 Yuan Shao had finally finished his war with Gongsun Zan at the Battle of Yijing, and was now planning to move south to defeat Cao Cao. Seeing this, Cao Cao set about preparing his defenses, intending to make his stand at Guandu. On the advice of Jia Xu, Zhang Xiu surrendered to Cao Cao and his forces were integrated into Cao Cao's army after they rejected an envoy from Yuan Shao to ally.

Uniting northern China (200–207)

Liu Beis betrayal and defeat

Near the end of the year 199, Liu Bei betrayed Cao Cao and killed his commanders in Xu Province, claiming to own the province. Cao Cao wanted to attack Liu Bei quickly so as to not get into a two-front war. While some in the court were worried that Yuan Shao would attack them soon if the main army were east, Guo Jia assured Cao Cao that Yuan Shao would be slow to react, and that Cao Cao could handle Liu Bei if he did it quickly. So on Guo Jia's advice, Cao Cao attacked Liu Bei and utterly defeated him in Xu Province, capturing Guan Yu as well as Liu Bei's family members at the start of 200. Liu Bei himself fled to Yuan Shao, who only sent a part of his army to make an attack on Cao Cao. This incursion was stopped by Yu Jin at the Battle of Dushi Ford in February 200, marking the outbreak of open warfare between Cao and Yuan.

War with the Yuan clan

;The Guandu campaign

In 200, Yuan Shao marched southwards on Xu City in the name of rescuing the emperor. He had amassed more than 110,000 troops, including 10,000 heavy cavalry, while Cao Cao gathered around 40,000 men, most of which he concentrated at Guandu, a strategic point on the Yellow River. Cao's army repeatedly repulsed Yuan's attacks and won tactical victories at Dushi Ford (February), Boma (March–May) and Yan Ford (May–August). The two armies came to a standstill at the Battle of Guandu (September–November), as neither side was able to make much progress. Cao Cao's lack of men did not allow him to make significant attacks, and Yuan Shao's pride forced him to meet Cao's force head-on. Despite his overwhelming advantage in terms of manpower, Yuan Shao was unable to make full use of his resources because of his indecisive leadership and Cao Cao's position.

Besides the middle battleground of Guandu, two lines of battle were present. The eastern line with Yuan Tan of Yuan Shao's army against Zang Ba of Cao Cao's army was a one-sided battle in favour of Cao, as Yuan Tan's poor leadership was no match for Zang's local knowledge of the landscape and his hit-and-run tactics. On the western front, Yuan Shao's nephew, Gao Gan, performed better against Cao Cao's army and forced several reinforcements from Cao's main camp to maintain the western battle. Liu Bei, then a guest in Yuan Shao's army, suggested that he instigate rebellion in Cao Cao's territories as many followers of Yuan were in Cao's lands. The tactic was initially successful but Man Chong's diplomatic skills helped to resolve the conflict almost immediately. Man Chong had been placed as an official there for this specific reason, as Cao Cao had foreseen the possibility of insurrection prior to the battle. A Cao raid destroying the Yuan supply depot at the village of Gushi forced Yuan Shao to set up an emergency supply depot at Wuchao. Finally in the 10th month, a defector from Yuan Shao's army, Xu You, informed Cao Cao of the location of Yuan's new supply depot. Cao Cao broke the stalemate by sending a special group of soldiers to Wuchao burn all the supplies of Yuan Shao's army, heavily demoralising it. Yuan performed a final, costly and ultimately failed storming of Guandu, and the next morning Cao launched a devastating surprise attack on the retreating enemy army, thus winning a decisive and seemingly impossible victory. In a report to Emperor Xian, Cao Cao claimed to have killed more than 70,000 of Yuan Shao's original 110,000 troops; he later ordered most captured enemy soldiers to be buried alive. A few months later, in May or June 201, Cao Cao defeated Yuan Shao again in the Battle of Cangting, eliminating the latter's last units south of the Yellow River.

;Conquest of the north

Yuan Shao fell ill shortly after the defeat, and died in June 202, leaving three sons and no formally appointed successor. Although he seems to have favoured his youngest son Yuan Shang (controlling Ji Province) as his heir, his oldest son Yuan Tan (governor of Qing Province) challenged him and the two brothers entered into a war of succession, as they fought Cao Cao. Cao Cao used the internal conflict within the Yuan clan to his advantage, and during the Battle of Liyang (October 202 – June 203), he drove the Yuans back to their stronghold at Ye (under Yuan Shang's control). He then withdrew, consolidating his territorial gains rather than completing his conquest; possibly, dissidents at the imperial court in Xu required his attention. Temporarily relieved from Cao Cao's pressure, the fraternal feud escalated and Yuan Shang besieged Yuan Tan's base at Pingyuan (平原), forcing the latter to conclude a marriage alliance with Cao Cao. The province of Ji fell to Cao Cao in the summer of 204 after the five month long Siege of Ye. Cao Cao paid his respects at Yuan Shao's tomb after conquering Ye, weeping bitterly for his old friend in front of his followers and giving Yuan Shao's family consolatory gifts and a government pension. Yuan Shang fled north to the third son, governor Yuan Xi of You Province, while Gao Gan, governor of Bing Province, defected to Cao Cao. In January and February 205, Cao Cao turned on the disloyal Yuan Tan, defeated and killed him in the Battle of Nanpi, and conquered Qing Province. Gao Gan rebelled in 205, but in 206 Cao Cao defeated and killed him, annexing Bing definitively.

Cao Cao assumed effective rule over all of northern China. Suffering mutiny amongst their own troops, Yuan Shang and Yuan Xi fled to the Wuhuan chieftains for aid. The Wuhuan chieftain Tadun assisted the Yuan brothers and started raiding Cao's territory. In 207, Cao Cao led a daring campaign beyond Chinese borders in hopes of destroying the Yuans once and for all. He fought an alliance of Wuhuan chieftains at the Battle of White Wolf Mountain. Though outnumbered and isolated, Cao Cao emerged victorious due to cleverly engineering his supply lines by digging two new canals and flanking the enemy, killing Tadun and forcing the Yuans to flee once again. This time, they went to Gongsun Kang for help, but he executed them and sent their heads to Cao Cao, granting him nominal control over You Province. Meanwhile, the northern tribes were now terrified of Cao Cao. Most of the remaining Wuhuan submitted to him, along with the Xianbei and Xiongnu.

Red Cliffs and the South campaign (208–210)

Temporary takeover of Jing Province (208)

After Yuan Shao's defeat at Guandu in 200, Cao Cao forced Liu Bei to flee to the governor of Jing Province, Liu Biao, who stationed him at the northern border in Xinye County to keep Cao Cao at bay. An initial Cao attack on Liu Bei was repelled during the Battle of Bowang (202). After completing his conquest of northern China in 207, Cao Cao turned his full attention to Jing Province, where a succession dispute erupted after the death of Liu Biao in August 208. Liu Biao's chosen heir was his younger son Liu Cong, but his elder son Liu Qi challenged him for the governorship, while Sun Quan attacked the eastern territories of Jing, Liu Bei hoped to usurp Jing for himself, and Cao Cao moved to invade Jing from the north with a hastily assembled army in September. Cao Cao's action proved to be decisive: Liu Cong surrendered to him without a fight, while Liu Bei fled south, but was slowed down by a large following of refugees. Cao Cao's 5,000 elite cavalry force caught up with Liu Bei and utterly defeated him at the Battle of Changban in October, capturing the baggage train and refugee column. Liu Bei himself narrowly escaped east with a handful of companions, linked up with Liu Qi at Fankou and sent Zhuge Liang to negotiate an alliance with Sun Quan, who eventually agreed to join forces. Cao Cao gained control of a large portion of the Yangtze river by occupying the Jiangling naval base, and ordered most of his army to sail down the river towards Chibi (Red Cliffs), while the rest marched over land, to defeat the newly forged alliance in one swift stroke.

Battle of Red Cliffs

At the Battle of Red Cliffs in the winter of 208, Cao Cao's forces were defeated by the coalition of Liu Bei and Sun Quan (who later founded the states of Shu Han and Eastern Wu respectively, becoming his arch-rivals in reunifying China). Despite superior numbers, the northern troops were exhausted from marching, prone to sickness in the unfamiliar southern climate and seasick on the river fleet (which they tried to mitigate by chaining the ships together), while especially the Sun soldiers were still fresh and experienced in riverine warfare. Allied general Huang Gai pretended to defect to the northerners, but took advantage of the fact that the Cao ships had been chained together to destroy them with fire ships. Meanwhile, an allied amphibious attack led by Zhou Yu routed Cao Cao's land forces at Wulin (烏林).

Throughout 209 and 210, Cao Cao's commanders were engaged in defensive efforts against Sun Quan. In battles at Jiangling and Yiling, Cao Cao's commanders in northern Jing (such as Cao Ren) fought against Sun Quan. They experienced mixed success, and Cao Cao was able to retain some territory in the north of that province. At the same time, they held off an attack on Hefei and put down a revolt in Lu that Sun Quan's forces tried to assist, keeping Sun Quan from moving to attack Shouchun. However, Cao Cao's commanders in southern Jing, cut off from the rest of Cao Cao's forces, surrendered to Liu Bei. Liu Qi initially succeeded his father as Inspector of Jing Province, but died in 209, after which Sun Quan appointed Liu Bei as Governor of Jing Province, and married off his sister Lady Sun to him to cement the alliance.

Campaigns in the northwest (211–220)

By 211, the situation in the south had stabilized and Cao Cao decided to crush his remaining enemies in the north, to the west of Chang'an (in Zuopingyi Commandery). In Hanzhong commandery on the Han River, in the north of Yi Province, Zhang Lu lived in revolt against the Han dynasty, running his own theocratic state. Cao Cao sent Zhong Yao with an army to force Zhang Lu's surrender. However, this disturbed a number of warlords in the Wei River valley and the wider Liang Province, who united under Han Sui and Ma Chao to oppose Cao Cao, believing that his maneuvers against Zhang Lu were actually directed at them. Cao Cao personally led the army against this alliance, and outmaneuvered the rebel army at every turn in the Battle of Tong Pass. The alliance shattered and many of the leaders were killed. Cao Cao spent the next month or two hunting down some of the leaders, many of whom surrendered to him. He left Xiahou Yuan to clear up affairs in the region and returned home in 212. In 213, he launched an invasion into Sun Quan's territory across the river Huai, but was defeated in the Battle of Ruxu, which confirmed Sun's control of the south.

In 213, Cao Cao received the title "Duke of Wei" (魏公) and was given the nine bestowments and a fief of ten cities under his domain, known as Wei. That same year, he marched south and attacked Ruxu. Sun Quan's general Lü Meng held off the attacks for about a month, and Cao Cao had to pull back in the end. In 215, Cao Cao moved into and took over Hanzhong. In 216, Cao Cao was promoted to the status of a vassal king – "King of Wei" (魏王). Over the years, Cao Cao, as well as Liu Bei and Sun Quan, continued to consolidate their power in their respective regions. Through many wars, China became divided into three powers – Wei, Shu and Wu, which fought sporadic battles without the balance tipping significantly in anyone's favour. The only exception was when Liu Bei's forces were able to take Hanzhong from Cao Cao's army after a campaign that took two years.

Death

In 220, Cao Cao died in Luoyang at the age of 65, having failed to unify China under his rule, allegedly of a "head disease". His will instructed that he be buried near Ximen Bao's tomb in Ye without gold and jade treasures, and that his subjects on duty at the frontier were to stay in their posts and not attend the funeral as, in his own words, "the country is still unstable".

Cao Cao's eldest surviving son Cao Pi succeeded him. Within a year, Cao Pi forced Emperor Xian to abdicate and proclaimed himself the first emperor of the state of Cao Wei. Cao Cao was then posthumously titled "Grand Ancestor Emperor Wu of Wei" (魏太祖武皇帝).

Cultural legacy

While historical records indicate Cao Cao as a brilliant ruler, he was represented as a cunning and deceitful man in Chinese opera, where his character is given a white facial makeup to reflect his treacherous personality. When Luo Guanzhong wrote the historical novel Romance of the Three Kingdoms, he took much of his inspiration from Chinese opera.

As a result, depictions of Cao Cao as unscrupulous have become much more popular among the common people than his real image. There have been attempts to revise this depiction.

As the novel Romance of the Three Kingdoms has been adapted to modern forms of entertainment, so has its portrayal of Cao Cao. Given the source material upon which these adaptations are founded, Cao Cao continues to be characterised as a prominent villain.

Through to modern times, the Chinese equivalent of the English idiom "speak of the Devil" is "speak of Cao Cao and Cao Cao arrives" (說曹操，曹操到 shuō Cáo Cāo, Cáo Cāo dào).

After the Communists won the Chinese Civil War in 1949, some people in China thought there might be some similarities between Cao Cao and Mao Zedong. In 1959, Peng Dehuai wrote a letter to Mao, in which he compared himself to Zhang Fei: because Mao Zedong compares himself to Cao Cao, Peng's comparison implied that he had an intuitively confrontational relationship with Mao. Mao had the letter widely circulated in order to make Peng's attitude clear to other Party members, and proceeded to purge Peng, eventually ending Peng's career.

In Romance of the Three Kingdoms

Romance of the Three Kingdoms, a historical novel composed by Luo Guanzhong in the 14th century (11 centuries after Cao Cao's death), was a romanticisation of the events that occurred in the late Han dynasty and the Three Kingdoms period. While adhering to historical facts most of the time, the novel inevitably reshaped Cao Cao to some extent, so as to portray him as a cruel and suspicious villain. In some chapters, Luo created fictional or semi-fictional events involving Cao Cao.

See the following for some fictitious stories in Romance of the Three Kingdoms involving Cao Cao:

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• Lü Boshe

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Agriculture and education

While waging military campaigns against his enemies, Cao Cao did not forget the basis of society – agriculture and education.

In 194, a locust plague caused a major famine across China. The people resorted to cannibalism out of desperation. Without food, many armies were defeated without fighting. From this experience, Cao Cao saw the importance of an ample food supply in building a strong military. He began a series of agricultural programs in cities such as Xu City and Chenliu. Refugees were recruited and given wasteland to cultivate. Later, encampments not faced with imminent danger of war were also made to farm. This system was continued and spread to all regions under Cao Cao as his realm expanded. Although Cao Cao's primary intention was to build a powerful army, the agricultural program also improved the living standards of the people, especially war refugees.

By 203, Cao Cao had eliminated most of Yuan Shao's forces. This afforded him more attention on construction within his realm. In autumn of that year, Cao Cao passed an order decreeing the promotion of education throughout the counties and cities within his jurisdiction. An official in charge of education was assigned to each county with more than 500 households. Youngsters with potential and talent were selected for schooling. This prevented a lapse in the training of intellectuals in those years of war, and, in Cao Cao's words, would benefit the people.

Poetry

Cao Cao was an accomplished poet, as were his sons Cao Pi and Cao Zhi. He was also a patron of poets such as Xu Gan. Of Cao Cao's works, only a remnant remain today. His verses, unpretentious yet profound, helped to reshape the poetic style of his time and beyond, eventually contributing to the poetry styles associated with Tang dynasty poetry. Cao Cao, Cao Pi and Cao Zhi are known collectively as the "Three Caos". The Three Caos' poetry, together with additional poets, became known as the Jian'an style, which contributed eventually to Tang and later poetry. Cao Cao also wrote verse in the older four-character per line style characteristic of the Classic of Poetry. Burton Watson describes Cao Cao as: "the only writer of the period who succeeded in infusing the old four-character metre with any vitality, mainly because he discarded the archaic diction associated with it and employed the ordinary poetic language of his time." Cao Cao is also known for his early contributions to the Shanshui poetry genre, with his 4-character-per-line, 14-line poem "View of the Blue Sea" (觀滄海).

Mausoleum

On 27 December 2009, the Henan Provincial Cultural Heritage Bureau reported the discovery of Cao Cao's tomb in Xigaoxue Village, Anyang County, Henan. The tomb, covering an area of 740 square metres, was discovered in December 2008 when workers at a nearby kiln were digging for mud to make bricks. Its discovery was not reported and the local authorities knew of it only when they seized a stone tablet carrying the inscription 'King Wu of Wei' — Cao Cao's posthumous title — from grave robbers who claimed to have stolen it from the tomb. Over the following year, archaeologists recovered more than 250 relics from the tomb. The remains of three persons — a man in his 60s, a woman in her 50s and another woman in her 20s — were also unearthed and are believed to be those of Cao Cao, one of his wives, and a servant.

Since the discovery of the tomb, there have been many skeptics and experts who pointed out problems with it and raised doubts about its authenticity. In January 2010, the State Administration of Cultural Heritage legally endorsed the initial results from research conducted throughout 2009 suggesting that the tomb was Cao Cao's. However, in August 2010, 23 experts and scholars presented evidence at a forum held in Suzhou, Jiangsu to argue that the findings and the artifacts of the tomb were fake. In September 2010, an article published in an archaeology magazine claimed that the tomb and the adjacent one actually belonged to Cao Huan (a grandson of Cao Cao) and his father Cao Yu.

In 2010, the tomb became part of the fifth batch of Major Historical and Cultural Sites Protected at the National Level in China. , it has been announced that the local government in Anyang is constructing a museum on the original site of the tomb which will be named 'Cao Cao Mausoleum Museum' (曹操高陵博物馆).

Media reports from 2018 describe the tomb complex as having an outer rammed earth foundation, a spirit way, and structures on the east and south sides. Archaeologists have also noted that the tomb's exterior and perimeter appear to be deliberately left unmarked; there are neither structures above the ground around the tomb nor massive piles of debris in the vicinity. This indirectly confirms historical records that Cao Pi had ordered the monuments on the surface to be systematically dismantled to honour his father's wishes to be buried in a simple manner in a concealed location, as well as to prevent tomb robbers from finding and looting the tomb.

Family

Consorts and Issue:

• Furen, of the Ding clan (夫人 丁氏; d. 219)

• Empress Wuxuan, of the Bian clan (武宣皇后 卞氏; 159–230)

　• Emperor Wen (文皇帝 曹丕; 187–226), second son

　• Cao Zhang, Prince Wei of Rencheng (任城威王 曹彰; 189–223), third son

　• Cao Zhi, Prince Si of Chen (陳思王 曹植; 192–232), fourth son

　• Cao Xiong, Prince Huai of Xiao (蕭懷王 曹熊)

　• Empress Xianmu (獻穆皇后; 197–260), personal name Jie (節), married Emperor Xian, and had issue (one daughter)

　• A daughter, personal name Hua (華), married Emperor Xian

• Furen, of the Liu clan (夫人 劉氏)

　• Cao Ang, Prince Min of Feng (豐愍王 曹昂; 177–197), first son

　• Cao Shuo, Prince Shang of Xiang (相殤王 曹鑠)

　• Princess Qinghe (清河公主), married Xiahou Mao

• Furen, of the Huan clan (夫人 環氏)

　• Cao Chong, Prince Ai of Deng (鄧哀王 曹沖; 196–208)

　• Cao Ju, Prince of Pengcheng (彭城王 曹據)

　• Cao Yu, Prince of Yan (燕王 曹宇; d. 278)

• Furen, of the Du clan (夫人 杜氏)

　• Cao Lin, Prince Mu of Pei (沛穆王 曹林; d. 256)

　• Cao Gun, Prince Gong of Zhongshan (中山恭王 曹袞; d. 235)

　• Princess Jinxiang (金鄉公主), married He Yan (196–249), and had issue (one son)

• Furen, of the Qin clan (夫人 秦氏)

　• Cao Xuan, Prince Huai of Jiyang (濟陽懷王 曹玹)

　• Cao Jun, Prince Gong of Chenliu (陳留恭王 曹峻; d. 259)

• Furen, of the Yin clan (夫人 尹氏)

　• Cao Ju, Prince Min of Fanyang (范陽閔王 曹矩)

• Lady, of the Sun clan (孫氏)

　• Cao Shang, Duke Shang of Linyi (臨邑殤公 曹上)

　• Cao Biao, Prince of Chu (楚王 曹彪; 195–251)

　• Cao Qin, Duke Shang of Gang (剛殤公 曹勤)

• Lady, of the Li clan (李氏)

　• Cao Cheng, Duke Shang of Gucheng (谷城殤公 曹乘)

　• Cao Zheng, Duke Dai of Mei (郿戴公 曹整; d. 218)

　• Cao Jing, Duke Shang of Ling (靈殤公 曹京)

• Lady, of the Zhou clan (週氏)

　• Cao Jun, Duke An of Fan (樊安公 曹均; d. 219)

• Lady, of the Chen clan (陳氏)

　• Cao Gan, Prince of Zhao (趙王 曹幹; 214–261)

• Lady, of the Liu clan (劉氏)

　• Cao Ziji, Duke Shang of Guangzong (廣宗殤公 曹棘)

• Lady, of the Song clan (宋氏)

　• Cao Hui, Prince Ling of Dongping (東平靈王 曹徽; d. 242)

• Lady, of the Zhao clan (趙氏)

　• Cao Mao, Prince of Laoling (樂陵王 曹茂)

• Unknown

　• A daughter, personal name Xian (憲), married Emperor Xian

　• Princess Anyang (安陽公主), married Xun Yun of Yingchuan (潁川 荀惲), the first son of Xun Yu, and had issue (two sons)

Ancestry

Cao Cao was a purported descendant of the Western Han dynasty chancellor Cao Shen. In the early 2010s, researchers from Fudan University compared the Y chromosomes collected from a tooth from Cao Cao's granduncle, Cao Ding (曹鼎), with those of Cao Shen and found them to be significantly different. Therefore, the claim about Cao Cao descending from Cao Shen was not supported by genetic evidence. The researchers also found that the Y chromosomes of Cao Ding match those of self-proclaimed living descendants of Cao Cao who hold lineage records dating back to more than 100 generations ago.

Zhu Ziyan, a history professor from Shanghai University, felt that Cao Ding's tooth alone cannot be used as evidence to determine Cao Cao's ancestry. He was sceptical about whether those who claim to be Cao Cao's descendants are really so, because genealogical records dating from the Song dynasty (960–1279) are already so rare in the present day, much less those dating from the Three Kingdoms era (220–280). Besides, according to historical records, Cao Ding was a younger brother of the eunuch Cao Teng, who adopted Cao Cao's biological father, Cao Song. Therefore, Cao Cao had no known blood relations with Cao Ding. In other words, Cao Ding was not Cao Cao's real granduncle (this assuming that there was no intra-family adoption, which was actually common in China). Zhu Ziyan mentioned that Fudan University's research only proves that those self-proclaimed descendants of Cao Cao are related to Cao Ding; it does not directly relate them to Cao Cao.

In popular culture

Film and television

The "Father of Hong Kong cinema", Lai Man-Wai, played Cao Cao in The Witty Sorcerer, a 1931 comedy film based on the story of Zuo Ci playing tricks on Cao Cao. In the Shaw Brothers film The Weird Man, Cao Cao was seen in the beginning of the film with Zuo Ci. Zuo Ci was playing tricks on him by giving him a tangerine with no fruit inside. This was later referenced in another film titled Five Element Ninjas.

Other notable actors who have portrayed Cao Cao in film and television include:

• Bao Guo'an, in the 1994 Chinese television series Romance of the Three Kingdoms. Bao won two Best Actor awards at the 1995 Golden Eagle Awards and Flying Apsaras Awards for his performance.

• Damian Lau, in the 2008 Hong Kong film Three Kingdoms: Resurrection of the Dragon.

• Zhang Fengyi, in the 2008–09 Chinese film Red Cliff.

• Chen Jianbin, in the 2010 Chinese television series Three Kingdoms.

• Jiang Wen, in the 2011 Hong Kong film The Lost Bladesman and the 2018 Chinese television series Cao Cao.

• Chow Yun-fat, in the 2012 Chinese film The Assassins.

• Zhao Lixin, in the 2014 Chinese television series Cao Cao.

• Yu Hewei, in the 2017 Chinese television series The Advisors Alliance.

• Tse Kwan-ho, in the 2018 Chinese television series Secret of the Three Kingdoms.

• Wang Kai, in the upcoming Hong Kong film Dynasty Warriors.

Card games

In the selection of hero cards in the Chinese card game San Guo Sha (三国杀), there is also a Cao Cao hero that players can select at the beginning of the game.

Cao Cao is also referenced in Magic: The Gathering, as the card "Cao Cao, Lord of Wei". This card is black, the colour representing ruthlessness and ambition, though not necessarily evil. It was first printed in Portal Three Kingdoms and again in From the Vault: Legends.

Video games

Cao Cao appears in Koei's Romance of the Three Kingdoms video game series. He is also featured as a playable character in Koei's Dynasty Warriors and Warriors Orochi series. He also features in Koei's Kessen II as a playable main character.

Cao Cao also appears in Puzzle & Dragons as part of the Three Kingdoms Gods series.

Cao Cao appears as a Great Person in Civilization IV and later as a Great General in Civilization V.

He is also featured as one of the available warlords that the player can choose from in Creative Assembly's game Total War: Three Kingdoms.

Cao Cao is a major character in Capcom's Tenchi wo Kurau video game series, all of which were based on the manga of the same name.

Cao Cao appears as a Legendary Commander in the mobile game Rise of Kingdoms.

Other appearances

As with most of the other relevant generals of the period, Cao Cao is portrayed as a young female character in the Koihime Musō franchise. He is also the central character in the Japanese manga series Sōten Kōro. Barry Hughart's novel The Story of the Stone mentions the Seven Sacrileges of Tsao Tsao, most of which involve family.