家世

據史籍記載，白居易祖籍山西太原自述白起之後，白起24世孫白邕，任北魏太原太守，白邕5世孫白建，北齊五兵尚書，因功賜田韓城（今陝西渭南），白建曾孫白溫，任唐朝檢校都官郎中，遷華州下邽（今陝西省渭南市臨渭區下邽鎮），白溫第六子白鍠，任鞏縣令，居鄭州，生五子，各以其官散居四方。白鍠長子白季庚，任襄州別駕，生四子，次子就是白居易。白居易生于河南新鄭。

部分近代學者認為白居易可能是胡人的後裔，一說龜茲王族後裔，然而也有反對意見。

白居易的祖父白鍠，曾任酸棗、鞏縣縣令。父親白季庚，唐德宗建中年間任彭城令，對抗李正己的叛變有功，授朝散大夫、大理少卿、徐州別駕等官職，並賜緋魚袋，兼徐泗觀察判官。後來歷任衢州、襄州別駕。白居易的外祖母也是白氏出身，因此白居易的母親陳氏，與白家之間本有血親關係。

• 六世祖：白建，北齊五兵尚書。

• 五世祖：白士通，唐利州都督。

• 高祖：白志善，尚衣奉御。

• 曾祖：白溫，檢校都官郎中。

• 祖父：白鍠，延安令。

• 父親：白季庚，大理少卿、襄州別駕。

• 母親：潁川陳氏。生居易、行簡。

生平

白居易772年（唐代宗大曆七年）生於河南新鄭，後因戰亂等因素，遷徙於越中、衢州、符離、襄陽、洛陽、長安等地。青年時期家境貧困，對社會生活和百姓疾苦有較多接觸和了解。787年（貞元二年），白居易至長安，拜訪當時的名士顧況。顧況見到白居易的姓名時，曾調侃地說「米價方貴，居亦弗易。」及至看到他的詩篇，才感嘆道：「道得箇語，居即易矣。」

799年（貞元十四年），白居易開始投入科考。800年（貞元十五年）進士及第，隨後回家鄉探望親戚。802年（貞元十七年）試書判拔萃科及第，與同時及第的元稹訂交，成為終身的好友。803年（貞元十八年）授秘書省校書郎，定居於長安。

作品例舉：《賦得古原草送別》、《百道判》。

長安與早年的仕官生活

806年（元和元年），白居易罷校書郎。同年四月試才識兼茂明於體用科，及第，授盩庢縣（今周至縣）尉。807年（元和二年），任進士考官、集賢校理，授翰林學士。808年（元和三年）任左拾遺，迎取楊汝士之妹(即楊虞卿從妹)為妻。810年（元和五年）改任京兆府戶部參軍，811年（元和六年）母親陳氏去世，離職丁憂，歸下邽。814年（元和九年）回長安，授太子左贊善大夫。

任左拾遺時，白居易以為直言敢諫就是好官，故頻繁上書言事，並寫大量的反應社會現實的詩歌補察時政，誇張到不管朝中大小事、就算不是白居易權責所管之事也要上表參劾，多管閒事的行為讓不少朝中大臣對白居易感到不滿，乃致力於當面指出皇帝的錯誤。因他言事太過直接數量又太多，芝麻綠豆小事也要呈報批評，令唐憲宗感到不快而向李絳抱怨：「白居易小子，是朕拔擢致名位，而無禮於朕，朕實難奈。」李絳認為這是白居易的一片忠心，而勸諫憲宗廣開言路。

作品例舉：《策林》、《長恨歌》、《秦中吟》、《新樂府》、《自吟拙什因有所懷》。

江州與貶謫生涯

815年（元和十年），宰相武元衡遇刺身亡，白居易上表主張嚴緝兇手，被認為是越職言事。其後白居易又被誹謗：母親看花而墜井去世，白居易卻著有「賞花」及「新井」詩，有害名教。遂以此為理由貶為江州（今江西省九江市）司馬。818年（元和十三年）冬，被任命為忠州（今重慶市忠縣）刺史，819年（元和十四年）到任。820年（元和十五年）夏，被召回長安，任尚書司門員外郎。

白居易的母親雖因看花墜井去世，然而白居易早有許多詠花之作，而依宋代的紀錄，新井詩作於元和元年（806年）左右（新井詩今已失傳），而白居易母五年後才去世，可見此事不能構成罪名。他被貶謫的主因，很可能與他寫諷諭作品而得罪當權者有關。貶謫江州是白居易一生的轉捩點：在此之前他以「兼濟」為志，希望能做對國家人民有益的貢獻；至此之後他的行事漸漸轉向「獨善其身」，雖仍有關懷人民的心，表現出的行動卻已無過去的火花了。然而白居易在江州雖不得志，大體上仍能恬然自處，曾在廬山香爐峰北建草堂，並與當地的僧人交遊。

818年（元和十三年），白居易的弟弟白行簡至江州與白居易相聚。當白居易被任命為忠州刺史時，白行簡也一同與兄長溯江而上。途中與元稹相遇於黃牛峽，三人相遊之處被稱為三遊洞。在忠州任職的時間，白居易在忠州城東的山坡上種花，並命名此地為「東坡」。

作品例舉：《讀李杜詩集因題卷後》、《與元九書》、《訪陶公舊宅並序》、《編集拙詩成一十五卷因題卷末戲贈元九、李二十》、《琵琶行》、《遊大林寺序》、《草堂記》、《與微之書》、《李白墓》、《三遊洞序》、《東坡種花》。

蘇杭的政績

820年（元和十五年）冬，轉任主客郎中、知制誥。821年（長慶元年），加朝散大夫，始正式著五品緋色朝服，（緋色即朱色，為五品以上官員所用的服色。）轉上柱國，又轉中書舍人。822年（長慶二年），白居易上書論當時河北的軍事，不被採用，於是請求到外地任職，7月被任命為杭州刺史，10月到任。任內有修築西湖堤防、疏浚六井等政績。824年（長慶四年）5月，任太子左庶子分司東都，秋天至洛陽，在洛陽履道里購宅。825年，被任命為蘇州刺史，5月到任。826年因病離職，後與劉禹錫相伴遊覽於揚州、楚州一帶。

在杭州刺史任內，見杭州有六口古井因年久失修，便主持疏浚六井，以解決杭州人飲水問題。又見西湖淤塞農田乾旱，因此修堤蓄積湖水，以利灌溉，舒緩旱災所造成的危害，並作《錢塘湖石記》，將治理湖水的政策、方式與注意事項，刻石置於湖邊，供後人知曉，對後來杭州的治理湖水有很大的影響。離任前，白居易將一筆官俸留在州庫之中作為基金，以供後來治理杭州的官員公務上的周轉，事後再補回原數。這筆基金一直運作到黃巢之亂時，當黃巢抵達杭州，文書多焚燒散失，這筆基金才不知去向。

現在西湖有白堤，兩岸栽種有楊柳，後世誤傳這即是白居易所修築的堤，而稱之為白公堤。事實上這道「白堤」在白居易來杭州之前已存在，當時稱為「白沙堤」，且見於白居易的詩作之中。

當白居易在杭州時，元稹亦從宰相轉任浙東觀察使，浙東、杭州相去並非太遠，因而二人之間有許多往還的贈答詩篇。當白居易任滿離開杭州時，元稹要求白居易交出全部的作品，編成《白氏長慶集》五十卷。

在蘇州刺史任內，白居易為了便利蘇州水陸交通，開鑿了一條長七里西起虎丘東至閶門的山塘河，山塘河河北修建道路，叫「七里山塘」，簡稱「山塘街」。

作品例舉：《江樓夕望招客》、《冷泉亭記》、《錢塘湖石記》、《自到郡齋，僅經旬日，方專公務，未及宴遊。偷閒走筆題二十四韻，兼寄常州賈舍人、湖州崔郎中，仍呈吳中諸客》、《對酒吟》。

洛陽與晚年生活

827年（大和元年），白居易至長安任秘書監，配紫金魚袋，換穿紫色朝服（三品以上官員所用的服色）。828年（大和二年），轉任刑部侍郎，封晉陽縣男。829年春，因病改授與太子賓客分司，回洛陽履道里。830年（大和四年）12月，任河南尹。831年（大和五年）七月元稹去世。832年（大和六年），為元稹撰寫墓誌銘，元家給白居易潤筆的六七十萬錢，白居易將全數布施於洛陽香山寺。833年（大和七年），因病免河南尹，再任太子賓客分司。835年（大和九年），被任命為同州刺史，辭不赴任，後改任命為太子少傅分司東都，封馮翊縣侯，仍留在洛陽。839年（開成四年）10月得風疾。841年（會昌元年），罷太子少傅，停俸。842年（會昌二年），以刑部尚書致仕，領取半俸。846年（會昌六年）8月去世，贈尚書右僕射。葬於龍門（今在龍門石窟之白園，對岸賓陽洞，風景獨異）。

晚年的白居易大多在洛陽的履道里第度過，與劉禹錫唱和，時常遊歷於龍門一帶。作《池上篇》、《醉吟先生傳》自況。845年，白居易74歲，尚在履道里第舉行「七老會」，與會者有胡杲、吉皎、鄭據、劉真、盧貞、張渾與白居易；同年夏，以七老合僧如滿、李元爽，畫成「九老圖」。白居易晚年篤信佛教，號香山居士，為詩僧如滿之弟子。

晚年白居易的生活，大多是以「閒適」的生活反應自己「窮則獨善其身」的人生哲學。而844年（會昌四年），73歲的白居易出錢開挖龍門一帶阻礙舟行的石灘，事成後作詩《開龍門八節石灘詩二首並序》留念，詩中仍反映出他「達則兼濟天下」的人生觀。

作品例舉：《和微之詩二十三首序》、《池上篇並序》、《唐故武昌軍節度處置等使正議大夫檢校戶部尚書鄂州刺史兼御史大夫賜紫金魚袋贈尚書右僕射河南元公墓誌銘並序》、《修香山寺記》、《醉吟先生傳》、《不能忘情吟》、《贈夢得》、《佛光和尚真贊》、《開龍門八節石灘詩二首並序》、《白氏集後記》。

子女

白居易有兩女一男三個親生子女，過繼其兄白幼文之子白景受。大女兒金鑾子早亡，白居易為其撰寫過《金鑾子晬日》與《念金鑾子兩首》；二女兒阿羅平安長大，後嫁與談弘謨，生有一女一男，丈夫早逝後回到父親身邊。白居易為其撰寫過《吾雛》，亦為其子女寫過生日慶詩《小歲日喜談氏外孫女孩滿月》與《談氏外孫生三日喜是男偶吟成篇兼戲呈夢得》；三子白阿崔早亡，白居易有詩《阿崔》，《哭崔兒》與《初喪崔兒報微之晦叔》。養子白景受官至孟懷觀察支使，生白邦翰，司封郎中。白邦翰生白思齊，鄭州錄事參軍。

文學成就

白居易與元稹齊名，號「元白」，是繼杜甫之後實際派文學的重要領袖人物。他曾自己編輯自己的著作，名為《白氏長慶集》（或《白氏文集》），共七十五卷，現存七十一卷。白居易對文學創作非常地投入，少年時認真地投入學習，甚至到影響健康，提早出現衰老的症狀。他曾以詩仙、詩魔自比，形容自己對詩歌創作的投入。

不同於其他大多數的詩人，白居易在世時他的作品就已經得享盛名，廣泛流傳於各地、各階層，是唐代詩人中作品在生前流傳最廣的一位。他的作品也流傳至日本、新羅等地。在早期的日本，《白氏文集》是日本文學漢化的最重要依據。

理念

H|zh-hans:刘大杰; zh-hant:劉大杰白居易認為文學是反映自己人生哲學（道）的工具。而依自己的現況，又可分為「兼濟」、與「獨善」兩類。白居易曾將自己的詩分為諷喻、閒適、感傷和雜律四類，而他本人特別重視兩類詩文：其一是作為「兼濟」工具的諷諭詩，其二是則是反映自己「獨善」心志的閒適詩。並提出「文章合為時而著，歌詩合為事而作」的主張。胡適歸納白居易基本主張：「可說是為人生而作文學！文學是救濟社會，改善人生的利器；最上要能『補察時政』，至少也須能『洩導人情』；凡不能這樣的，都『不過嘲風雪，弄花草而已』。」白居易的詩歌理念與元稹一致。陳子昂與李白古詩作品、以及杜甫寫實作品，對元、白的詩歌理念可能有很大的影響。

對於白居易的文學主張，劉大傑認為白居易「作了大膽的批判和正確的評價。」胡適肯定白居易以詩歌造成輿論而改善時政的意圖，但也認為白居易的詩歌理論有過於狹隘的缺陷。白居易對前人詩作，也因他的文學理論，而出現相衝突的評價。例如《與元九書》裏，認為晉宋是「六義寖微」的時代，而有「以淵明之高古，偏放於田園」的批評；然而白居易不但有《效陶潛體詩十六首》的詩作，也曾明確地表示仰慕陶淵明的為人。

詩歌

他的詩歌現存近三千首，是唐代存世詩歌最多的作家。

諷諭詩

白居易最為重視的是諷喻詩，其創作意旨是用詩歌補時政之不足。代表作有《秦中吟》、《新樂府》等，詩歌理論的實踐，對當時社會的諸多問題提出了比較系統的規諫之辭，是中國古典詩歌現實主義的代表作：

《秦中吟》是貞元、元和年間，白居易在長安，看到當時種種不公義的社會現象，有感而發，而寫下的詩篇。這些詩，一事一題，一題一議，不僅反映當時社會問題，也呈現了白居易對這些議題的看法。白居易寫作諷諭詩，受到杜甫很大的激勵，《秦中吟》便可以體現杜詩「朱門酒肉臭，路有凍死骨」一句對白居易的影響。以第十首《買花》為例，這首詩具體描繪出當時社會的貧富差距。最後六句，用對比的手法，諷刺買花者的奢侈豪華，同時也表現出詩人對窮人的同情。

白居易希望用詩歌補政治上的不足，《新樂府》「為君、為臣、為民、為物、為事」而作，可說是白居易詩歌理論最具體的呈現。《新樂府》作於元和四年，其寫作標準是：開頭破題，在結尾時凸顯全詩要旨；用辭淺顯，使人容易明瞭；用語直接而銳利，使人警惕；敘事可靠可信；體例流暢而可以傳唱於歌曲之中。為了達到上述效果，白居易在創作《新樂府》時，可能採用了許多當時的俗文學作品。但《新樂府》詩也存在著從理念出發，形象性和感染力不足的缺憾。胡適認為《新樂府》標示著白居易已經超出杜甫的影響而獨樹一格，是白居易的「理解與天才融合為一」的作品；然而胡適也認為《新樂府》各篇良莠不齊，五十篇中，佳作有《上陽白髮人》、《新豐折臂翁》、《道州民》、《縛戎人》、《西涼伎》、《杜陵叟》、《繚綾》、《賣炭翁》、《鹽商婦》等篇。

以《賣炭翁》為例，序為：「苦宮市也」，揭露朝廷以宮市方式強行劫奪百姓資財；開頭六句生動刻畫出主角年紀、職業及燒炭的勞苦；「可憐」二句寫老翁生活上兩難的獨特矛盾心理；「翩翩」四句，用「翩翩」「把」「稱」「迴」「叱」「牽」等字，生動刻劃出太監的蠻橫；最後四句寫名為買賣、實為搶奪的宮市實質，僅用「半疋紅紗一丈綾」的代價，就算是償付了千餘斤炭的價金了。

閒適詩

閒適詩是白居易在公餘之暇獨處、或因病而閒居時寫作，用以陶冶性情，反映其「知足保和」人生哲學的詩歌。此類詩歌相當受白居易本人的重視，然而較不見重於世人。以《自吟拙什因有所懷》為例：

詩中反映了白居易作詩的情境、對自身作品的評語、所欣賞的古詩人（陶潛、韋應物）、以及與元稹的交情。

感傷詩

感傷詩是指因外界事物，有感而發，所寫成的詩歌。白居易的感傷詩中最有名的是長篇敘事詩《長恨歌》、《琵琶行》。

《長恨歌》，是一個將歷史典故融於感性藝術中，以富層次韻味的抒寫筆法，所描繪出的淒美的愛情故事。前半篇寫實，後半篇穿插虛構的情節和幻想的仙境。全詩語言聲調優美，抒情和敘事交融一體，有很高的藝術成就。一句「在天願作比翼鳥，在地願為連理枝」的愛情更是多少癡男怨女的美好嚮往。而作者白居易，也被譽為了中國古代最會寫情詩的詩人。白居易將這首詩歸為「感傷」類，歷代均認為這是唐玄宗與楊貴妃的故事。詩中融合了許多歷史典故（包括漢武帝與李夫人、衛子夫、陳皇后等），可能還受到《目連救母變文》與《歡喜國王緣》等文章的影響。長恨歌是白居易流傳最廣的作品。在白居易生前就已經廣為人所傳頌，歷千年依舊在人口中，廣為流傳，且影響許多後來的作品，如：元朝王伯度《天寶遺事諸宮調》、元朝白樸《唐明皇秋夜梧桐雨》雜劇、清朝洪昇《長生殿》、現代劇作家曾永義的《楊妃夢》等，甚至影響了日本的文壇如《源氏物語》、《枕草子》等作品。

由於《長恨歌》的知名度高、話題敏感，且白居易並未明確揭示全詩主題，歷代解讀此詩也有許多評價與爭論。例如張戒、周紫芝、張祖廉等，或從禮教出發，認為長恨歌描繪愛情的內容太俚俗、輕薄。沈括、范溫、張戒、楊慎、趙翼認為長恨歌記載唐玄宗、楊貴妃的史實有錯誤。而薛雪與周紫芝意見不同，王楙不同意張戒的批評。此外如趙翼、王國維對全詩給予很高的評價。

雖然白居易曾說過：「今僕之詩，人所愛者，悉不過雜律詩與『長恨歌』已下耳，時之所重，僕之所輕。」然而他也寫過：「一篇長恨有風情，十首秦吟近正聲」的詩句，陳寅恪據此認為白居易自詡《長恨歌》為其「壓卷之傑構」。

《琵琶行》描繪白居易在江州司馬任內，一次在長江上送客，聽到一位來自長安的女伎演奏的琵琶，所勾引出的貶謫寂寥之情。琵琶行特別成功之處有兩點：一是對比京城女伎與自身貶謫的雙雙痛苦經歷，而道出人人皆知、卻未能言之的全詩主題：「同是天涯淪落人，相逢何必曾相識！」其次是對琵琶聲音的描寫，藉由生動的形象比喻、以及環境的渲染、人物的感受等，使人有置身於音樂之中的感受。

歷來多認為《琵琶行》是與《長恨歌》相提並論的傑作，胡適甚至認為《琵琶行》的成就高於《長恨歌》。

雜律詩

由元稹為白居易所編次的《白氏長慶集》的歸類可知，雜律詩泛指未能歸類為「諷諭」、「閒適」、「感傷」三類的詩歌。這類詩歌常是因遇到某些時空情境、或事物，讓作者發於一笑、一吟，因而隨性地寫出的詩歌，常用作與朋友們彼此舒懷的工具。由於「諷諭」、「閒適」、「感傷」三類全屬古體詩，白居易所作近體詩全數被歸類為「律詩」。這些「律詩」可能可以進一步分類。以《江樓夕望招客

》為例：

這首詩是白居易在杭州的夏天，欲邀友人至望海樓作客而寫。一、二句寫遠望之景。三、四句寫近望之景。五、六句採比喻的手法，用「雨」描寫「風聲」、用「霜」描寫「月色」，借用「雨」「霜」的清涼意象，引出七、八句的「消暑」，作為邀請友人的理由。蘇軾對「風吹古木晴天雨，月照平沙夏夜霜」一聯相當讚賞，認為可以做白居易優秀作品的例證。

散文

白居易與元稹的散文，在唐朝、五代曾享有盛名，當時文譽尚在韓愈之上。後來元、白的文名不顯，有幾個原因：一是因為北宋古文運動倡導推崇韓愈；其次則是元、白詩名太盛，而掩蓋了其文譽。

白居易的《與微之書》、《與元九書》反映了元稹與白居易的交情。《與元九書》且是中國文學史上的重要文獻之一，其文字流暢生動、情感真摯、說理邏輯性強，具有獨特風格。《遊大林寺序》、《草堂記》、《冷泉亭記》等，清新雋永，對後來的小品文創作有重大的影響。白居易曾任知制誥，他響應當時元稹對詔、誥等官方文體的改革，以古文書寫，是古文運動的響應者。其他如白居易為應科考而擬作的賦、《百道判》，曾是當時士子爭相模擬的對象，他的《策林》也是為了應科考而作，金朝時徒單鎰翻譯《策林》為女真文字，是最早譯為女真文字的漢人典籍之一。

人物形象

人生哲學

白居易在《與元九書》裏，描述他的人生哲學是「達則兼濟天下，窮則獨善其身」，認為應當堅守自己的理想，以等待適當時機到來。當時機來臨時，就要努力實踐自己的理想，反映在詩文上，就是「諷諭詩」的創作；時機沒有來臨，就好好修養自己，反映在詩文上，就是知足保和的「閒適詩」的創作。

白居易的個人修養，可用「知足」二字概括。陳寅恪認為白居易的「知足」思想，是源於老子「知足不辱」的想法。白居易的知足思想也常表現在詩文之中，例如當他擔任校書郎時「俸錢萬六千，月給亦有餘」，其後官職調動而調整俸祿時，白居易也多有詩文記載，大多也都能反映其知足常樂之情，例如：任左拾遺「月慚諫紙二千張，歲愧俸錢三十萬」、任太子賓客分司「俸錢八九萬，給受無虛月」、任太子少傅「月俸百千官二品，朝廷雇我做閒人」，退休（致仕）後領取半俸「全家遁此曾無悶，半俸資身亦有餘」「壽及七十五，俸佔五十千」。從最初的月俸一萬六千錢，至最高的月俸十萬錢，以及退休後的月俸五萬錢，白居易大多都表現出知足的心態。即使是被貶謫至江州司馬，處於極不得志的時期，他仍能說出「今雖謫在遠郡，而官品至第五，月俸四五萬，寒有衣、饑有食，給身之外施及家人，亦可謂不負白氏之子矣！」以此自我寬解。

白居易篤信佛法，尤其重視彌勒信仰，希望能往生彌勒佛的兜率天淨土。

交友

白居易與元稹是好友，兩人對於詩文的功能有相似的認識，故而成為新樂府運動的戰友；同時兩人作詩才能相匹敵，因而常以唱和為戲。白居易曾用曹操誇獎劉備的「天下英雄，唯使君與操耳」來形容兩人的交情。白居易晚年常居洛陽，與劉禹錫時常唱和往來。

風流韻事

唐時社會風氣開放，官員宴飲之時以歌妓陪伴的風氣興盛，當時政令風氣與後世大不相同。白居易曾蓄有多名歌妓，最出名的是樊素，見於《舊唐書‧白居易傳》。白居易本身對歌妓並不忌諱，關於歌妓的描述常見於他的詩歌之中，如《與元九書》、《對酒吟》、《江南喜逢蕭九徹，因話長安舊遊，戲贈五十韻》等。白居易好友元稹、劉禹錫相互贈答詩文中，亦有關於歌妓的描繪：如元稹曾邀白居易的歌妓商玲瓏至越州，商玲瓏返回時，元稹並有詩贈白居易。白居易杭州刺史卸任後，曾帶杭州的歌妓回洛陽，這些歌妓後來返回杭州，劉禹錫曾有「其奈錢塘蘇小小，憶君淚點石榴裙」的詩句描繪這些歌妓對白居易的思念。

白居易與歌妓的往來，也使他受到許多批評。宋朝的龔明之認為白居易與歌妓來往，代表他荒廢政務。曾因胡風事件而廣受爭議的舒蕪，指責白居易狎妓是不尊重女性，引起廣泛討論。石繼航認為這些對白居易的指責「大有鬥倒批臭之勢」，且舒蕪引用時看錯字，可能因此而造成解讀上的誤解。石繼航並且指出白居易與家妓樊素和小蠻感情良好，雖未知有否越軌事，然即使有，亦非狎玩，可說是兩情相悅，故而白居易與妓之事，實非重要，且其時文人幾乎皆有，不應獨責白居易。晚年白居易將所有的歌妓放還，作了許多回憶的詩文，對這些歌妓多充滿了濃厚的念舊之情。蘇軾晚年被貶謫時，曾經嘉許王朝雲能「不似楊枝別樂天」，願意隨著自己前往嶺南。由此亦可見至少在宋朝，大多文人不將養歌妓視為卑猥之事。

民間形象

宋朝僧人惠洪在《冷齋夜話》記載：「白居易每次寫詩，都讓一位老太太先讀。老太太能讀懂，則將詩收錄下來；若不能讀懂，則改寫其文句。因此唐末的詩鄙俗而多俚語。」關於這一則記事，歷代不少人懷疑其真實性，例如《唐宋詩醇》、胡適、葉慶炳。然而胡適、葉慶炳亦引述這則記事，作為白居易有意以口語入詩的旁證。可能也是因為白居易詩歌具有淺顯為大眾了解的特性，張為在《詩人主客圖序》中稱白居易是廣大教化主。

評價

唐代

唐宣宗有弔白居易詩：「綴玉聯珠六十年，誰教冥路作詩仙。浮雲不繫名居易，造化無為字樂天。童子解吟長恨曲，胡兒能唱琵琶篇。文章已滿行人耳，一度思卿一愴然。」此詩可作為白居易一生的概括。

白居易的詩文流傳很廣泛，然而歷代對其評價則不一致。元稹評價白居易的詩文：「大凡人之文各有所長，樂天之長，可以為多矣。夫諷諭之詩長於激，閑適之詩長於遣，感傷之詩長於切，五字律詩百言而上長於贍，五字、七字百言而下長於情，賦、讚、箴、戒之類長於當，碑、記、敘、事、制誥長於實，啟、奏、表，狀長於直，書、檄、詞、策、剖判長於盡。總而言之，不亦多乎哉。」對白居易推崇備至。然而杜牧為李戡所作的墓誌銘，就記載了李戡對元、白的批評：「詩者可以歌，可以流於竹，鼓於絲，婦人小兒，皆欲諷誦，國俗薄厚，扇之於詩，如風之疾速。嘗痛自元和以來，有元白詩者，纖豔不逞，非莊士雅人，多為其所破壞，流於民間，疏於屏壁，子父女母，交口教授，淫言媟語，冬寒夏熱，入人肌骨，不可除去。吾無位，不得用法以治之。」後世許多人批評杜牧自己的「淫言媟語」也非常多，為白居易抱不平，甚至認為杜牧是假託李戡之言，挾怨報復。然而亦由此可見在唐代，對白居易的評價已有不一致的狀況。

五代、宋元

新、舊唐書對於白居易的評價亦有不同。舊唐書對於白居易的文學成就給予高度的肯定：「昔建安才子，始定霸於曹、劉；永明辭宗，先讓功於沈、謝。元和主盟，微之、樂天而已。臣觀元之制策，白之奏議，極文章之壺奧，盡治亂之根荄。非徒謠頌之片言，盤盂之小說。就文觀行，居易為優，放心於自得之場，置器於必安之地，優遊卒歲，不亦賢乎。」新唐書描述白居易「於文章精切，然最工詩。」又說：「居易在元和、長慶時，與元稹俱有名，最長於詩，它文未能稱是也。」然而新唐書對白居易的人品則給予極高的肯定：「觀居易始以直道奮，在天子前爭安危，冀以立功，雖中被斥，晚益不衰。當宗閔時，權勢震赫，終不附離為進取計，完節自高。而稹中道徼險得宰相，名望漼然。鳴呼，居易其賢哉！」這種評價的變遷可能與宋代古文運動的興起有密切的關係。

蘇軾對白居易的評價也有不一致處。蘇軾曾提出「元輕白俗」的說法，對元白的詩風頗有微詞。然而後來卻常以白居易自比，例如「定似香山老居士，世緣終淺道根深。」又如「予去杭十六年，而復來留二年而去。平生自覺出處老少粗似樂天，雖才名相遠，而安分寡求亦庶幾焉。」蘇軾對白居易的詩作，也有「白公晚年詩極高妙。」的評語。

遼朝皇帝曾親自將白居易的諷諭詩翻譯為契丹文字，命臣子們閱讀。金代，元好問對白居易的詩作給予很高的評價，他說：「并州未是風流域，五百年中一樂天。」在《論詩三十首》「一語天然萬古新」句下，元好問自註：「陶淵明，晉之白樂天。」

明清

明代後七子的王世貞、清代神韻派的王士禎不喜愛白居易的詩作。相對的，公安派的三袁對白居易的評價相當高。袁宗道以「白蘇齋」為齋名，並有《詠懷效白》的詩作；袁宏道將元白歐蘇與李杜班馬相提並論；袁中道亦贊同兄長們的意見。清代主張性靈說的袁枚亦給予白居易極高的評價。此外，清乾隆皇帝敕編的《唐宋詩醇》對白居易的詩文與為人均給予極高的評價，認為白居易「實具經世之才」，並認為官員應以白居易的詩「救煩無若靜，補拙莫如勤」作為座右銘。

明末清初的王夫之在《讀通鑑論》中對白居易、元稹等的生活方式、政治態度、道家學問甚持批評。說到白居易、元稹等沉迷于酒肆嬉遊書畫詩歌，雖然稱名士，實則非國家之棟梁、君王之心膂。「此數子者，類皆酒肉以溺其志，嬉遊以蕩其情，服飾玩好書畫以喪其守。凡此，非得美官厚利，則不足以厭其所欲。而精魄既搖，廉恥遂泯，方且號于人以為清流之津逕，而輕薄淫泆之士樂依之，以標榜為名士。如此，而能自樹立以為君之心膂、國之楨榦、民之蔭藉者，萬不得一。」

中國近現代

胡適讚揚以白居易與元稹為領袖的文學革新運動，認為可以達到以詩歌造成輿論，而有助於改善政治。因為陳獨秀與胡適提倡新文學運動，在提倡白話、不避俗字俗語的風氣下，白居易的詩歌因而很受推崇。包括陳寅恪、劉大傑、錢基博等，都給予白居易極高的評價。然而錢鍾書對白居易的評價則不高。

日本

白居易的文集在日本受到高度評價。平安時代，菅原道真寫漢詩，當時渤海國的人見道真的詩，認為與白居易的詩很像，這評語令道真很高興，還特別記載下來，引以為榮。

紀念

• 江蘇省蘇州市閶門山塘街口建有白居易紀念館。

• 河南省洛陽市郊區安樂鄉獅子橋村東建有白居易故居紀念館。

• 白居易故鄉陝西省渭南市的樂天大街以白居易的字命名。

注釋

參考

• 陳寅恪：《元白詩箋證稿》（上海：上海古籍出版社，1978）。

• 靜永健：《白居易寫諷諭詩的前前後後》（北京：中華書局，2007）。

Life

Bai Juyi lived during the Middle Tang period. This was a period of rebuilding and recovery for the Tang Empire, following the An Lushan Rebellion, and following the poetically flourishing era famous for Li Bai (701－762), Wang Wei (701－761), and Du Fu (712－770). Bai Juyi lived through the reigns of eight or nine emperors, being born in the Dali regnal era (766-779) of Emperor Daizong of Tang. He had a long and successful career both as a government official and a poet, although these two facets of his career seemed to have come in conflict with each other at certain points. Bai Juyi was also a devoted Chan Buddhist.

Birth and childhood

Bai Juyi was born in 772 in Taiyuan, Shanxi, which was then a few miles from location of the modern city, although he was in Zhengyang, Henan for most of his childhood. His family was poor but scholarly, his father being an Assistant Department Magistrate of the second-class. At the age of ten he was sent away from his family to avoid a war that broke out in the north of China, and went to live with relatives in the area known as Jiangnan, more specifically Xuzhou.

Early career

Bai Juyi's official career was initially successful. He passed the jinshi examinations in 800. Bai Juyi may have taken up residence in the western capital city of Chang'an, in 801. Not long after this, Bai Juyi formed a long friendship with a scholar Yuan Zhen. Bai Juyi's father died in 804, and the young Bai spent the traditional period of retirement mourning the death of his parent, which he did along the Wei River, near to the capital. 806, the first full year of the reign of Emperor Xianzong of Tang, was the year when Bai Juyi was appointed to a minor post as a government official, at Zhouzhi, which was not far from Chang'an (and also in Shaanxi province). He was made a member (scholar) of the Hanlin Academy, in 807, and Reminder of the Left from 807 until 815, except when in 811 his mother died, and he spent the traditional three-year mourning period again along the Wei River, before returning to court in the winter of 814, where he held the title of Assistant Secretary to the Prince's Tutor. It was not a high-ranking position, but nevertheless one which he was soon to lose.

Exile

Picture of Bai Juyi from the book "Wan hsiao tang".

While serving as a minor palace official in 814, Bai managed to get himself in official trouble. He made enemies at court and with certain individuals in other positions. It was partly his written works which led him into trouble. He wrote two long memorials, translated by Arthur Waley as "On Stopping the War", regarding what he considered to be an overly lengthy campaign against a minor group of Tatars; and he wrote a series of poems, in which he satirized the actions of greedy officials and highlighting the sufferings of the common folk.

At this time, one of the post-An Lushan warlords (jiedushi), Wu Yuanji in Henan, had seized control of Zhangyi Circuit (centered in Zhumadian), an act for which he sought reconciliation with the imperial government, trying to get an imperial pardon as a necessary prerequisite. Despite the intercession of influential friends, Wu was denied, thus officially putting him in the position of rebellion. Still seeking a pardon, Wu turned to assassination, blaming the Prime Minister, Wu Yuanheng, and other officials: the imperial court generally began by dawn, requiring the ministers to rise early in order to attend in a timely manner; and, on July 13, 815, before dawn, the Tang Prime Minister Wu Yuanheng was set to go to the palace for a meeting with Emperor Xianzong. As he left his house, arrows were fired at his retinue. His servants all fled, and the assassins seized Wu Yuanheng and his horse, and then decapitated him, taking his head with them. The assassins also attacked another official who favored the campaign against the rebellious warlords, Pei Du, but was unable to kill him. The people at the capital were shocked and there was turmoil, with officials refusing to leave their personal residences until after dawn.

In this context, Bai Juyi overstepped his minor position by memorializing the emperor. As Assistant Secretary to the Prince's Tutor, Bai's memorial was a breach of protocol — he should have waited for those of censorial authority to take the lead before offering his own criticism. This was not the only charge which his opponents used against him. His mother had died, apparently caused by falling into a well while looking at some flowers, and two poems written by Bai Juyi — the titles of which Waley translates as "In Praise of Flowers" and "The New Well" — were used against him as a sign of lack of Filial Piety, one of the Confucian ideals. The result was exile. Bai Juyi was demoted to the rank of Sub-Prefect and banished from the court and the capital city to Jiujiang, then known as Xun Yang, on the southern shores of the Yangtze River in northwest Jiangxi Province. After three years, he was sent as Governor of a remote place in Sichuan. At the time, the main travel route there was up the Yangzi River. This trip allowed Bai Juyi a few days to visit his friend Yuan Zhen, who was also in exile and with whom he explored the rock caves located at Yichang. Bai Juyi was delighted by the flowers and trees for which his new location was noted. In 819, he was recalled back to the capital, ending his exile.

Return to the capital and a new emperor

In 819, Bai Juyi was recalled to the capital and given the position of second-class Assistant Secretary. In 821, China got a new emperor, Muzong. After succeeding to the throne, Muzong spent his time feasting and heavily drinking and neglecting his duties as emperor. Meanwhile, the temporarily subdued regional military governors, jiedushi, began to challenge the central Tang government, leading to the new de facto independence of three circuits north of the Yellow River, which had been previously subdued by Emperor Xianzong. Furthermore, Muzong's administration was characterized by massive corruption. Again, Bai Juyi wrote a series of memorials in remonstrance.

As Governor of Hangzhou

Again, Bai Juyi was sent away from the court and the capital, but this time to the important position of the thriving town of Hangzhou, which was at the southern terminus of the Grand Canal and located in the scenic neighborhood of West Lake. Fortunately for their friendship, Yuan Zhen at the time was serving an assignment in nearby Ningbo, also in what is today Zhejiang, so the two could occasionally get together, at least until Bai Juyi's term as Governor expired.

As governor of Hangzhou, Bai Juyi realized that the farmland nearby depended on the water of West Lake, but, due to the negligence of previous governors, the old dike had collapsed and the lake had dried out to the point that the local farmers were suffering from severe drought. He ordered the construction of a stronger and taller dike, with a dam to control the flow of water, thus providing water for irrigation, relieving the drought, and improving the livelihood of the local people over the following years. Bai Juyi used his leisure time to enjoy the beauty of West Lake, visiting the lake almost every day. He ordered the construction of a causeway to allow walking on foot, instead of requiring the services of a boat. A causeway in the West Lake (Baisha Causeway, 白沙堤) was later referred to as Bai Causeway in Bai Juyi's honor, but the original causeway built by Bai Juyi named Baigong Causeway (白公堤) no longer exists.

Life near Luoyang

In 824, Bai Juyi's commission as governor expired, and he received the nominal rank of Imperial Tutor, which provided more in the way of official salary than official duties, and he relocated his household to a suburb of the "eastern capital," Luoyang. At the time, Luoyang was known as the eastern capital of the empire and was a major metropolis with a population of around one million and a reputation as the "cultural capital," as opposed to the more politically oriented capital of Chang'an.

Governor of Suzhou

In 825, at the age of fifty-three, Bai Juyi was given the position of Governor (Prefect) of Suzhou, situated on the lower reaches of the Yangtze River and on the shores of Lake Tai. For the first two years, he enjoyed himself with feasts and picnic outings, but after a couple years he became ill and was forced into a period of retirement.

Later career

After his time as Prefect of Hangzhou (822-824) and then Suzhou (825-827), Bai Juyi returned to the capital. He then served in various official posts in the capital, and then again as prefect/governor, this time in Henan, the province in which Luoyang was located. It was in Henan that his first son was born, though only to die prematurely the next year. In 831 Yuan Zhen died. For the next thirteen years, Bai Juyi continued to hold various nominal posts but actually lived in retirement.

Retirement

In 832, Bai Juyi repaired an unused part of the Xiangshan Monastery, at Longmen, about 7.5 miles south of Luoyang. Bai Juyi moved to this location, and began to refer to himself as the "Hermit of Xianshang". This area, now a UNESCO World Heritage Site, is famous for its tens of thousands of statues of Buddha and his disciples carved out of the rock. In 839, he experienced a paralytic attack, losing the use of his left leg, and became a bedridden invalid for several months. After his partial recovery, he spent his final years arranging his Collected Works, which he presented to the main monasteries of those localities in which he had spent time.

Death

In 846, Bai Juyi died, leaving instructions for a simple burial in a grave at the monastery, with a plain style funeral, and to not have a posthumous title conferred upon him. He has a tomb monument in Longmen, situated on Xiangshan across the Yi River from the Longmen cave temples in the vicinity of Luoyang, Henan. It is a circular mound of earth 4 meters high, 52 meters in circumference, and with a 2.80 meter high Monument inscribed "Bai Juyi".

Works

Bai Juyi has been known for his plain, direct, and easily comprehensible style of verse, as well as for his social and political criticism. Besides his surviving poems, several letters and essays are also extant.

He collected his writings in the anthology called the .

History

One of the most prolific of the Tang poets, Bai Juyi wrote over 2,800 poems, which he had copied and distributed to ensure their survival. They are notable for their relative accessibility: it is said that he would rewrite any part of a poem if one of his servants was unable to understand it. The accessibility of Bai Juyi's poems made them extremely popular in his lifetime, in both China and Japan, and they continue to be read in these countries today.

Famous poems

Two of his most famous works are the long narrative poems "Chang hen ge" ("Song of Everlasting Sorrow"), which tells the story of Yang Guifei, and "The Song of the Pipa Player". Like Du Fu, he had a strong sense of social responsibility and is well known for his satirical poems, such as The Elderly Charcoal Seller. Also he wrote about military conflicts during the Tang Dynasty. Poems like "Song of Everlasting Sorrow" were examples of the peril in China during the An Lushan rebellion.

Bai Juyi also wrote intensely romantic poems to fellow officials with whom he studied and traveled. These speak of sharing wine, sleeping together, and viewing the moon and mountains. One friend, Yu Shunzhi, sent Bai a bolt of cloth as a gift from a far-off posting, and Bai Juyi debated on how best to use the precious material:

Bai's works were also highly renowned in Japan, and many of his poems were quoted and referenced in The Tale of Genji by Murasaki Shikibu.

Poetic forms

Bai Juyi was known for his interest in the old yuefu form of poetry, which was a typical form of Han poetry, namely folk ballad verses, collected or written by the Music Bureau. These were often a form of social protest. And, in fact, writing poetry to promote social progress was explicitly one of his objectives. He is also known for his well-written poems in the regulated verse style.

Art criticism

Bai was a poet of the middle Tang Dynasty. It was a period after the An Lushan Rebellion, the Tang Empire was in rebuilding and recovery. As a government official and a litterateur, Bai observed the court music performance that was seriously affected by Xiyu (西域, Western regions), and he made some articles with indignation to criticize that phenomenon. As an informal leader of a group of poets who rejected the courtly style of the time and emphasized the didactic function of literature, Bai believing that every literary work should contain a fitting moral and a well-defined social purpose. That makes him not satisfied with cultural performance styles of Tang court.

For instance, in his work of Faqu ge, translated as Model Music, is a poem regard to a kind of performing art, he made the following statement:

All the faqu's now are combined with songs from the barbarians;

but the barbarian music sounds evil and disordered whereas Han music sounds harmonious!

Faqu is a kind of performing style of Yanyue, a part of court music performance. In this poem, Bai Juyi strongly criticized Tang Daqu, which was itself heavily influenced by some nonnative musical elements absent in the Han Daqu-the original form of Daqu. Tang culture was an amalgamation of the culture of the ethnic Han majority, the culture of the "Western Region", and Buddhism. The conflict between the mainstream Han culture and minority culture exposed after the An Lushan Rebellion. The alien culture was so popular and it had seriously threatened the status of Han culture.

Musical performances at the Tang court are of two types: seated performances and standing performances. Seated performances were conducted in smaller halls with a limited number of dancers, and emphasized refined artistry. Standing performances involves numerous dancers, and were usually performed in courtyards or squares intended for grand presentations.

Bai's another poem, Libuji, translated as Standing Section Players, reflected the phenomenon of "decline in imperial court music". In this poem, Bai mercilessly pointed out that music style of both seated performances and standing performances were deeply influenced by foreign culture.

Seated performances are more elegant than standing performances. Players in the Seating Section were the most qualified performers, while the performing level of the players in the Standing Section were a bit poor. In Bai Juyi's time, those two performances were full of foreign music, the Yayue (, literally: "elegant music") was no longer be performed in those two sections. The Yayue music was only be performed by the players who were eliminated from those two sections. This poem shows the culture changing in the middle Tang Dynasty and the decline of Yayue, a form of classical music and dance performed at the royal court and temples

In those two poems of Bai reflected the situation of political and culture in the middle Tang Dynasty after the An Lushan Rebellion, and he was concerned that the popularity of foreign music could lead the Tang society into chaos.

Appraisal

Bai Juyi is considered one of the greatest Chinese poets, but even during the ninth century, sharp divide in critical opinions of his poetry already existed. While some poets like Pi Rixiu only had the highest praise for Bai Juyi, others were hostile, like Sikong Tu (司空圖) who described Bai as "overbearing in force, yet feeble in energy (qi), like domineering merchants in the market place." Bai's poetry was immensely popular in his own lifetime, but his popularity, his use of vernacular, the sensual delicacy of some of his poetry, led to criticism of him being "common" or "vulgar". In a tomb inscription for Li Kan (李戡), a critic of Bai, poet Du Mu wrote, couched in the words of Li Kan: "...It has bothered me that ever since the Yuanhe Reign we have had poems by Bai Juyi and Yuan Zhen whose sensual delicacy has defied the norms. Excepting gentlemen of mature strength and classical decorum, many have been ruined by them. They have circulated among the common people and been inscribed on walls; mothers and fathers teach them to sons and daughters orally, through winter's cold and summer's heat their lascivious phrases and overly familiar words have entered people's flesh and bone and cannot be gotten out. I have no position and cannot use the law to bring this under control."

Bai was also criticized for his "carelessness and repetitiveness", especially his later works. He was nevertheless placed by Tang poet Zhang Wei in his Schematic of Masters and Followers Among the Poets (詩人主客圖) at the head of his first category: "extensive and grand civilizing power".

Modern assessment

Burton Watson says of Bai Juyi: "he worked to develop a style that was simple and easy to understand, and posterity has requited his efforts by making him one of the most well-loved and widely read of all Chinese poets, both in his native land and in the other countries of the East that participate in the appreciation of Chinese culture. He is also, thanks to the translations and biographical studies by Arthur Waley, one of the most accessible to English readers".

In popular culture

Bai Juyi is one of the main characters of the 2017 Chinese fantasy film Legend of the Demon Cat, where he is portrayed by Huang Xuan. It the movie, the poet is solving a murder mystery and struggles to finish his famous poem, "Song of Everlasting Regret".